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  • One of the most infamous

  • psychological studies ever conducted

  • was the Stanford Prison Experiment.

  • It's mentioned in almost every intro to psychology textbook.

  • They tend to focus on how unethical it was,

  • and are less critical of its supposed conclusion.

  • August 14th, 1971.

  • Palo Alto, California.

  • Twelve young men are rounded up from their homes by police,

  • placed under arrest,

  • and brought to a makeshift prison

  • in the basement of Stanford University.

  • It all begins as a study on the psychology of prison life,

  • led by Stanford psychology professor Dr. Philip Zimbardo.

  • 24 volunteers--

  • 12 guards and 12 prisoners.

  • --have agreed to spend the next two weeks

  • recreating life in a correctional facility.

  • [guard]

  • The prisoners are booked and stripped nude.

  • They're no longer individuals,

  • forced to wear smocks, stocking caps and shackles.

  • Identified only by their prisoner numbers.

  • The guards quickly adapt to their new profession.

  • Given anonymity by their mirrored sunglasses,

  • some of them start to control the meager food rations,

  • restrict prisoners' bathroom use.

  • And, as tensions rise,

  • so do their cruel methods.

  • Within just six days of the planned two-week study,

  • conditions are so bad

  • that the entire operation is shut down.

  • [man]

  • Goddamn it...

  • The study makes international headlines.

  • Zimbardo's fame skyrockets,

  • and his conclusions are taught to students worldwide,

  • used as a defense in criminal trials

  • and are even submitted to Congress

  • to explain the abuses inflicted at Abu Ghraib.

  • The study brings up a question

  • just as important then as it is today:

  • is evil caused by the environment,

  • or the personalities in it?

  • Zimbardo's shocking conclusion

  • is that when people feel anonymous

  • and have power over depersonalized others,

  • they can easily become evil.

  • And it occurs more often than we'd like to admit.

  • But while it's true that people were mean to each other

  • during the Stanford Prison Experiment,

  • what if what truly caused that behavior

  • wasn't what we've always been told?

  • The Stanford Prison Experiment

  • has always had its controversies.

  • But a wave of recent revelations

  • have pushed it back into the spotlight

  • 47 years later.

  • Today, I'm going to speak with journalist Ben Blum,

  • whose recent writings have brought criticism

  • of the experiment to a larger audience

  • than ever before.

  • How did you get involved in the Stanford Prison Experiment

  • in the first place?

  • Well, my involvement was quite personal.

  • Like everyone, I had kind of absorbed

  • the basic lesson of the experiment

  • through the cultural ether.

  • And then my cousin Alex was arrested for bank robbery.

  • This was a team of mostly military guys with AK-47s.

  • Alex was the driver.

  • He was a 19-year-old U.S. Army Ranger.

  • And it was a superior of his on the Rangers

  • that organized and led the bank robbery.

  • Alex thought the whole thing was a training exercise.

  • He was just so brainwashed in this intense Ranger training

  • that when a superior proposed this bank robbery,

  • he took it as just one more kind of tactical thought experiment.

  • Then Dr. Philip Zimbardo participated

  • in his legal defense.

  • Zimbardo submits a letter to the court,

  • advocating leniency in sentencing on the grounds

  • that Alex, my cousin, had been so transformed

  • by the social environment of the Ranger battalion

  • that he participated in the bank robbery

  • without exercising his own free will.

  • Well, how did that affect Alex's sentencing?

  • He received an extraordinarily lenient sentence of 16 months.

  • So Zimbardo was a family hero.

  • But over time, Alex, finally he did admit to me,

  • you know what, I knew this was a bank robbery by the end,

  • and I just didn't have the moral courage to back out.

  • Oh, wow.

  • Alex, myself and our whole family

  • came to view the Zimbardo argument

  • as a way to shirk personal culpability,

  • and to put all the blame on the situation.

  • So you start looking

  • at the Stanford Prison Experiment in particular.

  • You reached out to Dr. Zimbardo himself,

  • as well as some of those who participated.

  • What did you learn?

  • I learned, to my deep surprise,

  • that quite a number of the participants

  • had stories of their experience that completely contradicted

  • the official narrative.

  • Which is, look, these regular people,

  • good people, came together,

  • and because of the situation, became evil.

  • [Ben] Right.

  • Zimbardo has claimed that the guards

  • were put in the situation,

  • and then the kind of hidden wellspring of sadism

  • that apparently lies in all of us

  • unfolded organically.

  • [Zimbardo]

  • There was an orientation meeting for the guards.

  • They had been told quite explicitly

  • to oppress the prisoners.

  • That falls under the heading of what psychologists call

  • demand characteristics.

  • Experimental subjects tend to be motivated

  • to give experimenters what they want.

  • [Michael] Demand characteristics occur

  • whenever participants being studied

  • act differently than they normally would

  • because they've guessed what hypothesis is being tested

  • and feel that a certain kind of behavior is being demanded.

  • There was a recording of explicitly correcting a guard

  • who wasn't being tough enough.

  • So a conclusion you could make

  • from the Stanford Prison Experiment

  • is that when you tell people to be cruel,

  • they'll do it if you tell them

  • it's for a greater good, like science.

  • -Right. -Who would have thought?

  • I think the study stands still as a fascinating spur

  • to further more careful research

  • as a demonstration that should make anyone curious

  • as to how such extreme behavior could arise

  • in such a short time.

  • The experiment could still be useful,

  • but it might need to be reinterpreted.

  • Its data might lead to different conclusions

  • than the one that we've been telling for so many decades.

  • Right.

  • The flaws in the experiment

  • that Ben and other critics bring up

  • call into question large portions of the narrative

  • surrounding the study.

  • So I want to hear from someone who was actually there.

  • Dave Eshelman, the study's most infamous guard,

  • agreed to tell me his side of the story.

  • It's really an honor to meet you.

  • You're a living, walking piece of psychology history.

  • I'm never recognized in the street or anything like that,

  • although I still get some hate mail.

  • -Are you serious? -Yeah, absolutely.

  • Well, what do you say to them when they react that way?

  • I say, well, there's probably a lot about that

  • that didn't happen quite the way it's been portrayed.

  • Well, Dave, before we go too far,

  • I'd like to watch the footage we have here

  • so we can kind of talk about what we see.

  • [Dave] That's me there, by the way.

  • -[Michael] Look at that look. -[Dave] Mm-hmm.

  • So how did you get involved with a Stanford Prison Experiment?

  • My father was a professor at Stanford,

  • and I was home for summer, looking for a summer job.

  • So I'm looking through the want ads.

  • $15 a day.

  • You know, in 1971 that wasn't bad.

  • The way it was introduced to the guards,

  • the whole concept of this experiment,

  • we were never led to believe

  • that we were part of the experiment.

  • We were led to believe that our job

  • was to get results from the prisoners,

  • that they were the ones the researchers

  • are really studying.

  • The researchers were behind the wall.

  • And we all knew they were filming.

  • And we can often hear the researchers

  • commenting on the action from the other side of the wall.

  • You know, like, "Oh, gosh, did you see that?

  • Here. Make sure you get a close-up of that."

  • Okay? So if they want to show that prison is a bad experience,

  • I'm going to make it bad.

  • But how did you feel doing stuff like that?

  • Didn't you feel bad?

  • I don't know if this is a revelation to you,

  • but 18-year-old boys are not the most sensitive creatures.

  • -Sure. -My agenda was to be

  • the worst guard I could possibly be.

  • -And it's pretty serious. -Mm-hmm.

  • This is my favorite part of all the footage we have

  • -from the experiment. -Mm-hmm.

  • It's you and a prisoner confronting each other

  • after the experiment.

  • I remember the guy saying, "I hate you, man."

  • -Yeah. -"I hate you."

  • Each day I said, well, what can we do to ramp up

  • what we did yesterday?

  • How can we build on that?

  • Why did you want to ramp things up?

  • Two reasons, I think.

  • One was because I really believed

  • I was helping the researchers with some better understanding

  • of human behavior.

  • On the other hand,

  • it was personally interesting to me.

  • You know, I cannot say that I did not enjoy what I was doing.

  • Maybe, you know, having so much power

  • over these poor, defenseless prisoners,

  • you know, maybe you kind of get off on that a little bit.

  • You weren't entirely following a script from a director.

  • Right.

  • But you also felt like

  • Zimbardo wanted something from you.

  • -Yes. -And you gave that to him.

  • I believe I did. I think I decided

  • I was going to do a better job than anybody there

  • of delivering what he wanted.

  • But does that excuse me from what I was doing?

  • Certainly it started out with me playing a role.

  • So the question is, was there a point where I stopped acting

  • and I started living, so to speak?

  • The standard narrative is that Dave Eshelman did what he did

  • because when people are given power,

  • it's easier than we think for abuse to happen.

  • That may be true,

  • but how predisposed to aggression was Dave?

  • I mean, he signed up to something called

  • a "prison study," after all.

  • Also, his feeling that cruelty was encouraged

  • and helped the experiment, may have affected his behavior.

  • What I'd like to see is,

  • in the absence of outside influence,

  • can anonymity, power, and depersonalization alone

  • lead to evil?

  • To answer that question,

  • I'd like to design

  • a demonstration of my own.

  • So I'm meeting with Dr. Jared Bartels

  • of William Jewell College,

  • a psychologist who has written extensively

  • about the Stanford Prison Experiment

  • and how it is taught.

  • I would love to do the Stanford Prison Experiment again.

  • You could probably make it more ethical,

  • but still find the same conclusions.

  • That's my hypothesis.

  • I absolutely think it's worthwhile.

  • It's important. It's interesting.

  • Probably the best approach

  • is eliminate as best as possible the demand characteristics

  • by eliminating that prisoner/guard dynamic.

  • Why do we even need to call one group "guards"

  • and one "prisoners"?

  • There's a lot of expectations

  • around those roles.

  • Oh, I'm a guard?

  • -I guess I should act like a guard. -Yeah, you're right.

  • The cover story is really important,

  • and you want to hide the true purpose of the experiment.

  • Another piece of this is the role of personality

  • and personality traits.

  • So the original ad in the Stanford study

  • asked for participants for a study of prison life.

  • You know, that's going to draw certain people

  • that were more kind of disposed to aggression.

  • [Michael] Because they saw the word "prison" and thought,

  • -"I want to be a part of that." -Exactly.

  • So when you get a group

  • of kind of authoritarian-minded individuals together,

  • not surprisingly they're going to create

  • an authoritarian regime and environment.

  • So, for whatever it is that we're going to do,

  • we should evaluate the personalities

  • of the individuals.

  • Right.

  • So how do we give people every opportunity

  • to be as evil as they can?

  • I think you have to have those elements

  • that were assumed to be influential

  • in the Stanford study.

  • What are those elements?

  • You have to have the depersonalization.

  • You have to have anonymity.

  • You have to have some power differences.

  • Can we elicit some surprising behaviors

  • in just a number of hours?

  • If you kind of come back to the Stanford study,

  • there wasn't anything dramatic that happened

  • -in the first day of the study. -Yeah.

  • It was the second day of the study

  • when the guards started to assert their authority.

  • That came about because of prisoners testing

  • and challenging the guards' authority.

  • [Michael] Yeah, and that led to fear.

  • That, like, wait a second, these prisoners need to be

  • -put more in check. -Yeah. Yeah.

  • So I think you still need that provocation.

  • Yeah.

  • Something that is frustrating.

  • Something that's going to increase

  • the participants' arousal.

  • Right. All right, so, Jared,

  • would you like to spend some time now

  • brainstorming a new design

  • that peeks into the same questions?

  • -Absolutely. -Awesome.

  • [Michael] Jared and I sat down with the Mind Field crew

  • to begin the planning process.

  • Will a person, without any expectations

  • or pushes in a certain direction still be abusive or not?

  • For this demonstration,

  • we want to eliminate all outside variables

  • and really isolate the three core elements

  • of the Stanford Prison Experiment.

  • The first element is anonymity.

  • Subjects need to believe that no matter how they behave,

  • no one will know it was them.

  • This is where people will be coming in in the morning.

  • This way, everyone's going to be staggered when they come in.

  • That's important, because we don't want them

  • to ever meet their teammates face-to-face.

  • The original experiment gave guards anonymity

  • by providing mirrored sunglasses and uniforms.

  • But we're taking it much further.

  • Our study will take place in a room that is pitch-black.

  • [Jared] They'll be taken into this room.

  • [Michael] Ah. I would love to see how dark

  • this room is going to be tomorrow.

  • [man] Yeah, absolutely.

  • -You ready? -I'm ready.

  • -Oh, yeah. -[man] Right?

  • [Michael] This is uncomfortable.

  • Despite the darkness,

  • we will be able to see everything,

  • thanks to infrared cameras.

  • The second element is depersonalization.

  • From the moment the subjects arrive,

  • they will only be identified by number, not name.

  • [woman] So, come on in.

  • To eliminate the demand characteristics,

  • we don't want our subjects to know what we're studying.

  • Follow the sound of my voice, if you can.

  • All they'll be told is that we are studying

  • how they solve puzzles in the dark.

  • There is another team in a different location.

  • -who is also solving a puzzle. -Okay.

  • Because the words "guard" and "prisoner"

  • suggest certain expected behaviors,

  • we've done away with them

  • and will simply give our participants an unseen,

  • distantly located opposing team.

  • We will measure the cruelty predicted

  • by the standard narrative

  • of the Stanford Prison Experiment

  • by giving our participants

  • a way to exercise the third element: power.

  • What I'm going to show you next is the system

  • by which you can send them a loud noise.

  • -Okay. -So if you want to...

  • We've armed the teams with a "distractor button"

  • that they can press to blast an extremely loud,

  • jarring noise into the other team's room.

  • Everyone will have a volume dial

  • that ranges from level 1 to 12,

  • and they'll be told that anything below a 7

  • should be safe for the other team's hearing.

  • And each person has their own control.

  • Okay.

  • So they can't see what you're doing.

  • -You can't see what they're doing. -Okay.

  • The intensity level they select,

  • as well as the frequency with which they push the button,

  • will be our indicator of how aggressive

  • the participants become in this situation.

  • Is it-- is it pretty, like, terrible to hear?

  • Well, I'll give you a demonstration.

  • Hey, Derek, could you play level 3 for me?

  • [loud, discordant horn]

  • So that's a 3.

  • It's pretty...

  • -it's pretty loud. -Yeah.

  • Perfect.

  • Participants will be told that when they

  • or a member of their team pushes a distractor button,

  • the volume played in the opponent's room

  • will be determined by the highest level selected

  • on any of their teammates' dials.

  • This is to increase the feeling of diffused responsibility.

  • The question is, will any of these participants

  • take advantage of these factors and act sadistically?

  • Of course, we would never want anyone

  • to actually be harmed in our experiments,

  • so the other team?

  • They don't exist.

  • Instead, Jared and I will be the ones

  • occasionally blasting the group with noise

  • at a safe level, no higher than a 3.

  • To see just how powerful the situation can be,

  • we selected participants

  • who would not be predisposed to sadism.

  • We screened our participants

  • using the "Big 5 Personality Scale,"

  • "The Personality Assessment Inventory,"

  • and picked those who scored the highest

  • in "moral" categories,

  • like honesty and conscientiousness.

  • It looks like, you know,

  • they should be able to see each other.

  • But it's pitch-dark.

  • There are puzzle pieces on the table in front of you.

  • Thank you, and once I leave the room you may begin.

  • Okay, here we go.

  • [man 1]

  • [man 2]

  • [man 1]

  • I definitely don't think they're conscious

  • of the control panel at this point.

  • -No. -They're trying to get focused on the task here.

  • [man 1]

  • [man 2]

  • [man 2]

  • [laughter]

  • [man 2]

  • We picked people who were most likely

  • to have these kinds of personalities.

  • [man 1]

  • [laughs]

  • [woman]

  • -Oh. -She wants...

  • [woman]

  • All right.

  • [all]

  • [man 1]

  • -[high-pitched squeal] -[woman] Did somebody do it already?

  • -I did. -Yeah. -Okay.

  • -We should retaliate. -Yeah, retaliate now.

  • [loud, discordant horn]

  • [all laugh]

  • [horn blares]

  • [laughter]

  • [Michael] Now, they're not retaliating

  • against that most recent buzz.

  • Shall we try again?

  • [loud, discordant horn]

  • Despite the factors making it easy for them to do so,

  • this team doesn't appear to be turning evil.

  • Now they are, like, just deal with it.

  • Just ignore it and keep working together.

  • They're not interested in retaliating.

  • [discordant horn blares]

  • Over the course of the two-hour study,

  • we blasted them with noise 23 times.

  • [woman laughs]

  • But they only pushed the button six times,

  • and never above a level 5.

  • They didn't seem to abuse their power.

  • Puzzle pieces down.

  • What would happen if we introduced

  • demand characteristics

  • that encouraged them to act aggressively?

  • Your team has been randomly assigned

  • an experimental condition.

  • Although the other team

  • will continue working on a puzzle,

  • your team will not.

  • Your only task is to operate the distractors.

  • Also, the other team's buttons have been disconnected

  • without their knowledge.

  • You will not hear any sounds if they buzz back at you.

  • We introduce the social roles,

  • where there's a little bit of power differential.

  • We're kind of mimicking the Stanford-like variables here.

  • [Michael] By now saying that the buzzer is their "task,"

  • the participants may feel

  • a greater license to use it liberally.

  • Similar to how instructing prison guards

  • in the original experiment to act tough

  • may have encouraged more use of force.

  • [man 3]

  • [woman]

  • [man 1]

  • Even though they were given instructions

  • to distract the other team, these participants instead

  • just started chatting with one another.

  • They know that they can be distracting now,

  • but they're not pushing the button.

  • No.

  • [man 2]

  • Oh. Okay.

  • [woman]

  • A couple of threes.

  • [high-pitched squeal]

  • Over the course of ten minutes,

  • this group only pushed the button three times.

  • Why do you think they're so uninterested

  • in blasting the other team?

  • Because we have individuals who have been selected, really,

  • with that predisposition, right?

  • These are individuals

  • who shouldn't be interested in retaliating.

  • It was time to debrief the participants

  • on what we were actually studying.

  • [Michael] I'm going to turn the lights on.

  • Here I am. I'm Michael, and this is Jared.

  • We're going to debrief you on what was really happening today.

  • There are no other people.

  • You are the only four here at this moment.

  • There was never another team doing anything.

  • [man 1]

  • This is a study related to the Stanford Prison Experiment.

  • [man 1]

  • The standard narrative we hear about that experiment

  • is that people just become cruel.

  • So, yeah, we're trying to see if we get the nicest people we can,

  • and we give them complete anonymity

  • and the ability to be cruel, but never encourage them to,

  • will they still do it?

  • And you guys didn't.

  • Did you have any suspicions about what we were studying

  • or what was going on?

  • Right, but I think that's good.

  • We just want to make sure you don't think

  • that what we're really looking at

  • is how high you turn your own dial.

  • That's really what we're looking at.

  • It was time to bring in our second group of participants,

  • who, like the first group, were screened to be individuals

  • with high morality characteristics.

  • Anything up to 7 should be safe.

  • [laughs] Yeah.

  • [woman] So once I leave,

  • you can go ahead and get started.

  • [woman 1]

  • [laughs]

  • Oh...

  • [high-pitched squeal]

  • Right off the bat she went to 7 and pushed the button.

  • Yeah.

  • [loud, discordant horn]

  • [high-pitched squeal]

  • [Michael] Number two's pushing it at a 3.

  • [discordant horn blares]

  • [woman 1]

  • Okay, here comes number two.

  • [high-pitched squeal]

  • Number two is still at a volume 3.

  • [Michael] This team seemed more willing to retaliate.

  • Let's see what will happen if we continue buzzing them.

  • Will they escalate their behaviors?

  • Derek, let's blast them again. Number 3.

  • [loud horn]

  • Okay, let's...

  • All right, so two just pushed at a 3.

  • But she's not touching the dial.

  • [Jared] She's not.

  • [loud, discordant horn]

  • [woman 2] It's just annoying.

  • [blaring horn]

  • [high-pitched squeal]

  • [all laugh]

  • It was clear that participant number two

  • was really the only one hitting the distractor button,

  • but it appeared that she only did it in retaliation

  • to our buzzes.

  • So we decided to see what would happen

  • if we laid off.

  • [man 1]

  • It's been probably four or five minutes,

  • and we have not blasted them with the noise,

  • and they haven't played one either.

  • I have a feeling like if we never played a noise in their room,

  • they would never touch the distractor button.

  • [Jared] Probably not at this point.

  • In the end, we buzzed this group a total of 44 times,

  • and they buzzed us 38 times,

  • 37 of which came from number two

  • but always in retaliation, and never above a 5.

  • All right, guys. Puzzle pieces down.

  • The situational factors did not seem to be sufficient

  • to make this group sadistic.

  • It was time for phase 2.

  • [woman 1]

  • Yeah.

  • -Oh, she... -[high-pitch squeal]

  • It looks like it's at 7.

  • -Wow. -Yeah, she's--

  • She's going nuts. At a 7.

  • So number three believes there is no other team.

  • That might explain why she was just going nuts on the button,

  • because she doesn't feel bad about it.

  • [buttons clicking]

  • Okay, they're all pushing the button a lot more.

  • And they were told this time

  • that it was their only task.

  • [buttons clicking]

  • [all laugh]

  • What a difference this has made.

  • Just like in the Stanford Prison Experiment.

  • If you tell people

  • that they have a certain task to do, they'll do it,

  • even if it's going to mean that they've been broken.

  • The thing is, they never hit upon what we really cared about,

  • which is turning the dial into an unsafe level.

  • Yeah.

  • [buttons click]

  • [Michael] Hello, everyone. I'm going to turn the lights on in this room.

  • [woman 1] Okay.

  • -And slowly... -Ah, it hurts.

  • ...you can look.

  • So, hello.

  • -I'm Michael, and this is Jared. -Hi.

  • I'll give you time to adjust your eyes.

  • Today, you've been part of a study where all we wanted

  • was to see what would happen when we put people in a room

  • and gave them that feeling of anonymity

  • that comes from, well,

  • if I crank my dial up really high,

  • no one will know it's me.

  • So you have this opportunity to be cruel.

  • I thought I went nuts.

  • Like, when the other person was pressing--

  • Sure, but that's-- that's just in-kind retribution.

  • As it turns out, so far,

  • everyone stays in that "below 7 or under" range.

  • -Yeah. -This final phase was us

  • trying to ramp up the demand characteristics.

  • And I believe number one, right, you did say at one point,

  • "You've broken me. I did it, fine."

  • So I loved that phrase, because it says

  • "I didn't want to do this,

  • but I'm doing it because I believe it was expected of me."

  • [all] Thank you. Thanks.

  • [Michael] After dismissing our participants,

  • Jared and I sat down to discuss our results.

  • Really fascinating.

  • We brought in people who had very different personalities

  • than those Zimbardo chose.

  • We put them in a situation that did not demand things from them.

  • And they behaved according to that personality.

  • I think we have some intriguing support for the idea

  • that it's more than just the situation.

  • We really saw personality kind of shine through.

  • For the most part, they seemed to be aware

  • -of where that line is... -Yeah.

  • ...that they shouldn't cross, and they didn't.

  • None of them did.

  • It was now time to speak with the man himself,

  • Dr. Philip Zimbardo,

  • who I worked with on last season's episode,

  • "How to Make a Hero."

  • Okay. Lisa, Bear, you guys ready?

  • For years, Dr. Zimbardo has responded to criticisms

  • of his famous study,

  • always maintaining that they aren't valid.

  • I asked him about whether his study

  • is better seen as one on the power

  • of demands from authority,

  • but he wasn't receptive to that idea.

  • I then told him about the study we ran to get his reaction.

  • I wanted to know what the sufficient conditions might be

  • to make anyone do something evil.

  • And we struggled to get that to happen.

  • We couldn't get anyone to be cruel.

  • Just giving them anonymity, and a dehumanized other,

  • and the power to hurt that other,

  • they didn't take advantage of it.

  • Well, I mean, maybe the problem was,

  • here's a case where, by picking people

  • who were extremely conscientious,

  • extremely mindful,

  • by selecting people who are high on compassion,

  • high on mindfulness,

  • you broke the power of the situation.

  • In the Stanford Prison Experiment,

  • we had, I presume,

  • a relatively normal distribution.

  • We gave them six personality scales.

  • And we picked people who, in the scales,

  • who were mostly in the mid-range.

  • In that situation,

  • some people behave cruelly, evilly.

  • Not everybody, but more of the guards than not.

  • So, again, I think that your study is a demonstration

  • of one way in which personality dominates situation.

  • -Ah. -Where the personalities are--

  • so I would say it's a positive result.

  • The personalities are special.

  • Where does this balance lie between the personal,

  • the disposition, the personality,

  • and the situation, the environment?

  • No, that's the big--

  • that's the ultimate question.

  • Where is, you know, how much of one

  • and how much of the other...?

  • Right.

  • Zimbardo insists that demand characteristics

  • played little role in his subject's behavior.

  • Critics like Ben Blum say they played a big role,

  • that what happened was what was asked for.

  • If that's true,

  • then the Stanford Prison Experiment,

  • like the classic Milgram study, still has an important lesson.

  • People are quick to be cruel

  • if an authority figure suggests that doing so

  • will serve a greater cause.

  • In our test, we made sure that such influences didn't exist.

  • And not one participant acted maliciously.

  • Personality rose above the situation.

  • Learning how that happens is vital

  • if we want to improve conditions where power is involved.

  • So it's great that this debate is still ongoing.

  • And look, questioning methods and interpretations

  • is not a personal attack.

  • It's how we improve our confidence in what we know.

  • And that's how science works.

  • So stay curious, never stop asking questions,

  • and, as always, thanks for watching.

  • Hey, Mind Field. Michael Stevens here.

  • There is so much more to satisfy your hunger

  • for psychological knowledge right on this show.

  • Click below to check out more episodes.

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