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On September 13th, a woman named Mahsa Amini
9月13日,一位名叫Mahsa Amini的女性
was detained by Iran's "Morality Police"
被伊朗的 "道德警察 "扣留。
for improperly wearing her hijab.
因為她不適當地戴著頭巾。
She was loaded into a van where she was reportedly beaten
她被裝進一輛麵包車,據說她在那裡遭到毆打。
and then transferred to a detention center
然後被轉移到一個拘留中心
where she collapsed and fell into a coma.
她在那裡昏倒並陷入了昏迷。
Three days later, she died at the hospital
三天後,她在醫院去世。
and protests broke out.
並爆發了抗議活動。
As a result, Iran shut down the country's Internet.
是以,伊朗關閉了該國的互聯網。
But hundreds of social media posts
但數以百計的社交媒體帖子
of people protesting her death have surfaced
抗議她死亡的人的照片已經浮出水面
over the last three months,
在過去三個月裡。
including videos of women defiantly cutting their hair,
包括婦女挑釁性地剪頭髮的視頻。
the symbol of beauty the regime wants hidden under the hijab.
這是該政權希望隱藏在頭巾下的美麗象徵。
The so-called Morality Police patrol
所謂道德警察的巡邏
the streets to enforce the regime's strict dress code.
在街上執行政權的嚴格著裝規定。
They mostly target women and how they wear the hijab,
他們主要針對婦女和她們佩戴頭巾的方式。
and will either fine them or
並將對他們進行罰款或
arrest them and take them to detention centers.
逮捕他們並把他們帶到拘留中心。
They are one part of the repressive state apparatus
他們是鎮壓性國家機器的一個部分
that wields power over Iranians, but far from the only one.
掌握著伊朗人的權力,但遠非唯一。
In videos of the protests, we can see different armed groups
在抗議活動的視頻中,我們可以看到不同的武裝團體
violently suppressing the protests.
暴力鎮壓抗議活動。
Understanding who they might be tells us a lot
瞭解他們可能是誰告訴我們很多
about the power structure Iranians are fighting to change.
關於伊朗人正在爭取改變的權力結構。
In the 1970s,
在20世紀70年代。
Iran was a secular monarchy
伊朗是一個世俗君主制國家
that operated as a dictatorship. Under the Shah,
作為一個獨裁政權運作。在沙赫統治下。
Iranians lacked political freedoms but enjoyed social ones.
伊朗人缺乏政治自由,但享有社會自由。
They also experienced
他們還經歷了
economic growth that rapidly transformed Iran
的經濟增長,迅速改變了伊朗
from a traditional conservative
從一個傳統的保守派
society to an industrial, modernized one.
社會向工業化、現代化的社會發展。
Soon, economic frustrations and political repression
很快,經濟挫折和政治壓迫
sparked uprisings calling for new Islamic rule.
觸發了要求新伊斯蘭統治的起義。
They went on for a year, but the regime remained in place
他們持續了一年,但該政權仍在原地。
until a crucial turning point: The Army declared neutrality.
直到一個關鍵的轉捩點。軍隊宣佈中立。
It was then that the monarchy collapsed and gave way
就在這時,君主制崩潰了,讓位於
to the Islamic Republic that rules today.
到今天統治的伊斯蘭共和國。
But that neutrality that allowed the regime to come to power
但這種中立性使該政權得以上臺
was also one of its biggest weaknesses.
也是其最大的弱點之一。
The revolutionaries did not trust the army,
革命者並不信任軍隊。
which was supposed to be loyal to the Shah,
它應該是忠於沙阿的。
but stabbed him in the back.
但卻在背後捅了他一刀。
The best strategy was to hedge their bets
最好的策略是對沖他們的賭注
by creating a branch of the armed forces
通過創建武裝部隊的一個分支
that they could trust much more than the army.
他們可以信任的是比軍隊更多的人。
Under the Supreme Leader's rule, the regime kept the old army
在最高領袖的統治下,該政權保留了舊的軍隊
but created a separate military group called
但創建了一個單獨的軍事集團,名為
the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.
伊斯蘭革命衛隊。
This group was crucial in the long war
這群人在長期的戰爭中是至關重要的
Iran fought against Iraq.
伊朗對伊拉克進行了戰鬥。
The Revolutionary Guard played an important role
革命衛隊發揮了重要作用
in trying to push back the Iraqi army,
在試圖擊退伊拉克軍隊的過程中。
and after that, they managed to turn that political capital
在那之後,他們成功地將這些政治資本轉化為
into economic influence and political power.
變成經濟影響和政治權力。
As their importance grew, so did their domestic security role,
隨著他們的重要性增加,他們的國內安全作用也在增加。
which sometimes meant fighting against the people.
這有時意味著與人民作戰。
Videos verified by Human Rights Watch
經人權觀察核實的視頻
show armed forces beating protesters
顯示武裝部隊毆打抗議者
using assault weapons and men dressed in black
使用攻擊性武器和穿黑衣服的人
riding motorcycles and firing guns into crowds.
騎著摩托車,向人群中開槍。
These men, dressed in black, fit the description of the Basij,
這些人身著黑衣,符合巴斯基的描述。
a paramilitary volunteer militia under the IRGC
伊斯蘭革命衛隊下屬的準軍事志願民兵組織
that's fiercely loyal to the supreme leader.
這是對最高領導人的強烈忠誠。
Primarily, it was a force that was created
主要是,它是一種被創造出來的力量
in order to do social control.
以便進行社會控制。
In September, Amnesty International obtained documents
9月,大赦國際獲得文件
showing the armed forces instructed their chain of command
顯示武裝部隊訓示他們的指揮系統
to "severely confront" protesters,
以 "嚴厲對抗 "抗議者。
and a local commander
和一個地方指揮官
ordering security forces to "confront mercilessly"
命令安全部隊 "無情地對抗"
while going as far as causing deaths.
同時不惜造成死亡。
As a result, human rights groups say at least
是以,人權團體表示,至少有
18,000 protesters have been arrested
18,000名抗議者被逮捕
and at least 250 have been killed,
並有至少250人被殺。
including more than 60 children.
包括60多名兒童。
And now Iran has started carrying out executions.
而現在伊朗已經開始執行死刑。
The reason so many
之所以有這麼多
protesters are out on the streets
抗議者上街了
is that Iran's power structure
是,伊朗的權力結構
doesn't give them any alternatives.
並沒有給他們任何替代方案。
Just like the armed forces are a pillar
就像武裝部隊是一個支柱
of the Islamic Republic,
的伊斯蘭共和國。
there are several others
還有幾個
supporting the country's power structure.
支持國家的權力結構。
These are just a few of them.
這只是其中的幾個例子。
And while some should be independent, they aren't.
雖然有些人應該是獨立的,但他們並不是。
This includes Iran's legislative branch,
這包括伊朗的立法部門。
because while these government bodies are technically elected,
因為雖然這些政府機構在技術上是選舉產生的。
they are controlled by the regime's
他們被政權的控制
appointed Guardian Council.
任命的監護委員會。
That means the regime can disqualify
這意味著該政權可以取消
candidates and reject laws that go through parliament,
候選人和拒絕通過議會的法律。
overriding the will of the people.
凌駕於人民的意願之上。
The unelected institutions
非民選機構
have continuously stymied and sabotaged those reforms,
不斷阻撓和破壞這些改革。
and that has created
而這也造就了
a sense of despondency within the society.
社會中的一種絕望感。
So in the last 20 years,
所以在過去的20年裡。
Iranians have taken to the streets at an increasing rate:
伊朗人走上街頭的速度越來越快。
against electoral fraud, government corruption,
反對選舉舞弊、政府腐敗。
economic hardship, and again today.
經濟困難,今天又是如此。
Soon after Amini's death, a video of her funeral went viral.
阿米尼去世後不久,她的葬禮視頻就被傳開了。
Women took off their hijabs and the crowd started chanting.
婦女們摘下頭巾,人群開始高呼。
And the chants have taken hold
頌歌已經佔據主導地位
all over the country.
在全國各地。
Usually the pattern of the protests in the past
通常情況下,過去的抗議活動的模式是
10, 15 years in Iran is that they often start
在伊朗的10年、15年,他們經常開始
with much more narrower objectives or demands.
目標或要求更為狹窄。
But this time around, almost from the get-go, the zero-to-100
但這一次,幾乎從一開始,零到一百的
happened overnight
一夜之間發生的
and immediately there were calls for regime change.
並立即出現了更換政權的呼聲。
But the system they are trying to change was built
但他們試圖改變的系統是建立在
to suppress dissent and protect power at the top.
以壓制異議,保護高層的權力。
The idea of having multiple power centers and parallel
擁有多個權力中心和平行的想法
institutions, it's for the regime to hedge its bets.
機構,這是為政權保駕護航。
None of these individual elements can on their own pose
這些單獨的元素都不能單獨構成
a threat to the pinnacle of power in Iran.
對伊朗權力巔峰的威脅。
Making it nearly impossible
使其幾乎不可能
to topple such a multilayered, decentralized power structure.
來推翻這樣一個多層次的、分散的權力結構。
The fact that there is now no longer
事實上,現在已經沒有
any hopes in the possibility
任何希望的可能性
of reforming the system from within,
從內部改革制度。
it has created a situation in which
它創造了一種情況,在這種情況下
the younger generation of Iranians
年輕一代的伊朗人
increasingly believe that they have nothing to lose.
越來越多的人相信,他們沒有什麼可失去的。
Most of the protesters are young Iranians who were born
大多數抗議者是出生在伊朗的年輕人。
after the revolution and inherited a system
革命之後,繼承了一個系統
they didn't ask for.
他們沒有要求的。
Despite the censorship,
儘管有審查制度。
young Iranians have caught the world's attention.
年輕的伊朗人已經引起了世界的注意。
Schoolgirls are filming themselves
女學生們正在拍攝自己
replacing portraits of the supreme leader with the words
替換掉最高領導人的肖像,並寫上以下字樣
"Woman, life, freedom," setting their hijabs on fire,
"女人、生命、自由",將他們的頭巾點燃。
and chasing pro-regime educators out of their schools.
並將親政府的教育工作者趕出他們的學校。
The current situation is the product of the Islamic Republic's
目前的情況是伊斯蘭共和國的產物。
failures over the years.
多年來的失敗。
The Islamic Republic failed to create a country
伊斯蘭共和國沒能建立一個國家
in which the youth could see a future for themselves.
青年人可以在其中看到自己的未來。
It's really as simple as that.
這真的就這麼簡單。