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Could I protect my father
我能保護父親
from the Armed Islamic Group with a paring knife?
免受伊斯蘭武裝組織傷害, 就憑一支水果刀嗎?
That was the question I faced
這是我曾面對的問題,
one Tuesday morning in June of 1993,
那是 1993 年 6 月某個星期二的早晨,
when I was a law student.
當時我還是法律系學生。
I woke up early that morning
那天早上我起得早,
in Dad's apartment
我在父親的公寓裡,
on the outskirts of Algiers, Algeria,
在阿爾及利亞的阿爾及爾郊區,
to an unrelenting pounding on the front door.
前門不斷傳來重擊聲。
It was a season as described by a local paper
地方報形容這個季節
when every Tuesday a scholar fell
每週二都會有位學者
to the bullets of fundamentalist assassins.
死在基本教義派刺客的子彈下。
My father's university teaching of Darwin
我父親在大學教的達爾文課程
had already provoked a classroom visit
激怒了一位旁聽者,
from the head of the so-called Islamic Salvation Front,
他來自所謂的伊斯蘭拯救陣線總部,
who denounced Dad as an advocate of biologism
譴責我父親是生物中心論的擁護者之後,
before Dad had ejected the man,
我父親才將他趕出教室。
and now whoever was outside
而現在不管門外站的是誰,
would neither identify himself nor go away.
他都不會表明身分,也不會離開。
So my father tried to get the police on the phone,
我父親試著打電話叫警察,
but perhaps terrified by the rising tide
但也許警察被高漲的情勢嚇到,
of armed extremism that had already claimed
因為武裝極端主義已經奪去
the lives of so many Algerian officers,
非常多阿爾及利亞警官的性命,
they didn't even answer.
沒有人接聽電話。
And that was when I went to the kitchen,
那時我去廚房,
got out a paring knife,
拿出一支水果刀,
and took up a position inside the entryway.
在大門前擺好姿勢。
It was a ridiculous thing to do, really,
其實做這件事很蠢,
but I couldn't think of anything else,
但我想不到還能做什麼,
and so there I stood.
只好就站在那。
When I look back now, I think that that was the moment
現在回過頭看,我想就是那一刻
that set me on the path was to writing a book
讓我決定寫一本書,
called "Your Fatwa Does Not Apply Here:
書名是《你的伊斯蘭教令不適用於此:
Untold Stories from the Fight Against Muslim Fundamentalism."
對抗伊斯蘭教基本教義派 不為人知的故事》。
The title comes from a Pakistani play.
標題源自於巴基斯坦戲劇。
I think it was actually that moment
我想正是那個時刻
that sent me on the journey
讓我展開一段旅程,
to interview 300 people of Muslim heritage
訪問三百位穆斯林出身的人,
from nearly 30 countries,
他們來自三十個國家,
from Afghanistan to Mali,
從阿富汗到馬利,
to find out how they fought fundamentalism
我找出他們如何 和平對抗基本教義派,
peacefully like my father did,
就跟我父親一樣,
and how they coped with the attendant risks.
以及他們如何設法解決 伴隨而來的風險。
Luckily, back in June of 1993,
幸運的是,1993 年 6 月
our unidentified visitor went away,
那位未表明身分的訪客離開了,
but other families were so much less lucky,
但其他家庭可沒那麼幸運,
and that was the thought that motivated my research.
就是這個想法驅使我做研究。
In any case, someone would return
無論是哪種情況, 幾個月後都會有人回來,
a few months later and leave a note
在我父親的餐桌上留張紙條,
on Dad's kitchen table,
上面寫著:「準備幫自己辦後事。」
which simply said, "Consider yourself dead."
隨後,阿爾及利亞的 基本教義派武裝團體
Subsequently, Algeria's fundamentalist armed groups
謀殺二十萬名老百姓,
would murder as many as 200,000 civilians
這是後來我們所知
in what came to be known
1990 年代的黑暗十年,
as the dark decade of the 1990s,
亡者包括你在這裡可以 看到的每一位女性。
including every single one
而在嚴酷的反恐對策中,
of the women that you see here.
政府訴諸酷刑與強迫失蹤,
In its harsh counterterrorist response,
和這些事件一樣恐怖的是
the state resorted to torture
國際間大多忽視他們。
and to forced disappearances,
最後,我的父親, 身為教授的阿爾及利亞農民之子,
and as terrible as all of these events became,
被迫停止在大學教書,
the international community largely ignored them.
並要他的從公寓消失,
Finally, my father, an Algerian peasant's son turned professor,
但我永遠忘不了的是
was forced to stop teaching at the university
馬福.班努尼,我的父親,
and to flee his apartment,
就像許多阿爾及利亞的知識分子一樣
but what I will never forget
拒絕離開祖國,
about Mahfoud Bennoune, my dad,
而且他持續發表尖銳評論,
was that like so many other Algerian intellectuals,
他們與基本教義派作戰,
he refused to leave the country
也不時與政府作戰。
and he continued to publish pointed criticisms,
例如《國家報》1994 年 11 月的系列報導
both of the fundamentalists
題為<基本教義派如何 無先例地製造出恐怖主義>
and sometimes of the government they battled.
他譴責所謂的
For example, in a November 1994 series
恐怖主義激進分子破壞了
in the newspaper El Watan
長久以來先民遵循的伊斯蘭真理。
entitled "How Fundamentalism
這些字眼可能會讓你喪命。
Produced a Terrorism without Precedent,"
我父親的祖國教我,
he denounced what he called
在那黑暗的 90 年代,
the terrorists' radical break with the true Islam
扺抗穆斯林基本教義派的浪潮
as it was lived by our ancestors.
是世界上最重要
These were words that could get you killed.
且被忽視的人權抗爭之一,
My father's country taught me
即使將近二十年後的今日仍是如此。
in that dark decade of the 1990s that
你看,不管在哪個國家
the popular struggle against Muslim fundamentalism
你都會聽到武裝聖戰者
is one of the most important
針對平民百姓,
and overlooked human rights struggles
也有很多手無寸鐵的人民
in the world.
公然反抗那些激進分子,只是你沒聽過,
This remains true today, nearly 20 years later.
那些人需要我們的支持才能成功。
You see, in every country
西方國家通常都認為
where you hear about armed jihadis
穆斯林普遍都會容忍恐怖行動。
targeting civilians,
有些右翼者這樣想是因為他們認為
there are also unarmed people
伊斯蘭教文化與生俱來就很暴力,
defying those militants that you don't hear about,
有些左翼者這樣想是因為
and those people need our support to succeed.
他們認為穆斯林暴力、
In the West, it's often assumed
基本教義派的暴力,
that Muslims generally condone terrorism.
完全是合理的怨憤產物。
Some on the right think this because they view
但這兩種觀點都大錯特錯。
Muslim culture as inherently violent,
事實上許多生來就是伊斯蘭教徒的人
and some on the left imagine this
在世界各地都堅決反對
because they view Muslim violence,
基本主義和恐怖主義,
fundamentalist violence,
而且通常都有很好的理由。
solely as a product of legitimate grievances.
你看,他們更像是暴力受害者,
But both views are dead wrong.
而非加害者。
In fact, many people of Muslim heritage
我舉個例子。
around the world are staunch opponents
根據一份 2009 年
both of fundamentalism and of terrorism,
阿拉伯語的媒體調查,
and often for very good reason.
在 2004 年到 2008 年間,
You see, they're much more likely to be victims
蓋達組織的受害者中,不到 15%
of this violence than its perpetrators.
是歐美人。
Let me just give you one example.
那是很恐怖的死亡人數,
According to a 2009 survey
但大多數人生下來就是穆斯林,
of Arabic language media resources,
卻被穆斯林基本主義者所殺害。
between 2004 and 2008,
我已經談了五分鐘基本教義派,
no more than 15 percent of al Qaeda's victims
而你們有權知道
were Westerners.
我真正要傳達的意思。
That's a terrible toll, but the vast majority
我引用的定義出自
were people of Muslim heritage,
阿爾及利亞社會學家 瑪麗梅.艾利.魯卡斯,
killed by Muslim fundamentalists.
她說眾多的基本教義派,
Now I've been talking for the last five minutes
注意「眾多」,
about fundamentalism, and you have a right to know
在全世界的重要宗教傳統中,
exactly what I mean.
「眾多的基本教義派 都是極右派的政治運動,
I cite the definition given by the Algerian sociologist
在全球化的背景下
Marieme Helie Lucas,
操控宗教,
and she says that fundamentalisms,
來達成他們的政治目的。」
note the "s," so within all of the world's
薩迪亞.阿巴斯稱此為
great religious traditions,
宗教理論的極端政治化。
"fundamentalisms are political movements of the extreme right
我想儘量避免投射出某種想法,
which in a context of globalization
那就是有種龐大的組織
manipulate religion in order to achieve
稱為穆斯林基本教義派,在各地都一樣,
their political aims."
因為這些運動也各有不同。
Sadia Abbas has called this the radical politicization
有一些使用與提倡暴力,
of theology.
有些則不然,雖然他們常相互影響。
Now I want to avoid projecting the notion
他們都有不同的形式。
that there's sort of a monolith out there
有些也許是非政府組織,
called Muslim fundamentalism that is the same everywhere,
即使在英國這裡, 像是伊斯蘭教囚犯組織。
because these movements also have their diversities.
有些則成為政黨,
Some use and advocate violence.
像是穆斯林兄弟會,
Some do not, though they're often interrelated.
有些可能是公開的武裝團體,
They take different forms.
像是塔利班。
Some may be non-governmental organizations,
但不論是哪一種,這些都是激進的化身。
even here in Britain like Cageprisoners.
那不是保守或傳統的手段,
Some may become political parties,
也往往改變大眾與伊斯蘭教的關係,
like the Muslim Brotherhood,
而非保護這段關係。
and some may be openly armed groups
我指的是穆斯林的極右派,
like the Taliban.
以及它的追隨者
But in any case, these are all radical projects.
自稱是穆斯林的這個事實,
They're not conservative or traditional approaches.
不會讓他們的攻擊性
They're most often about changing people's relationship with Islam
少於任何地方的極右派人士。
rather than preserving it.
因此在我看來,如果我們自認為
What I am talking about is the Muslim extreme right,
自由主義者或左派人士,
and the fact that its adherents are
愛好人權者或女性主義者,
or purport to be Muslim
我們都必須反對這些運動,
makes them no less offensive
並支持反抗他們的平民百姓。
than the extreme right anywhere else.
我先聲明,
So in my view, if we consider ourselves
我支持實際的抗爭
liberal or left-wing,
來抵抗基本教義派,
human rights-loving or feminist,
但抗爭也一定要
we must oppose these movements
尊重國際法,
and support their grassroots opponents.
因此我所說的一切都不應該被視為
Now let me be clear
拒絕民主化的辯解,
that I support an effective struggle
在此,我要公開聲援
against fundamentalism,
今天在阿爾及利亞 巴拉卡的親民主運動。
but also a struggle that must itself
我所說的一切也不該被視為
respect international law,
侵犯人權的辯解,
so nothing I am saying should be taken
像是本週前幾天 在埃及的大批死刑宣判。
as a justification for refusals
我想表達的是
to democratize,
我們必須挑戰這些 穆斯林基本教義派的運動,
and here I send out a shout-out of support
因為他們危害人權,
to the pro-democracy movement in Algeria today, Barakat.
充斥在以穆斯林為主的社會中,
Nor should anything I say be taken
他們運用各種方式,
as a justification of violations of human rights,
直接攻擊平民百姓, 最顯見的就是
like the mass death sentences
透過武裝團體執行各種任務。
handed out in Egypt earlier this week.
但那樣的暴力只是冰山一角。
But what I am saying
這些運動普遍都宣揚
is that we must challenge these Muslim fundamentalist movements
歧視宗教弱勢與性別弱勢。
because they threaten human rights
他們企圖削減大家的宗教自由,
across Muslim-majority contexts,
針對那些用不同方式實踐
and they do this in a range of ways,
或是選擇不去實踐的人。
most obviously with the direct attacks on civilians
最明確的是,
by the armed groups that carry those out.
他們引領對女權的全面戰爭。
But that violence is just the tip of the iceberg.
面對近年來的這些運動,
These movements as a whole purvey discrimination
西方論述最常提出
against religious minorities and sexual minorities.
兩種錯誤的反應。
They seek to curtail the freedom of religion
第一種,時常出自右翼人士,
of everyone who either practices in a different way
他們會說大多數的穆斯林 都是基本主義者,
or chooses not to practice.
或和伊斯蘭教有關的事 骨子裡都是基本教義派,
And most definingly, they lead an all-out war
這很冒犯,也不正確,
on the rights of women.
但不幸的是,從左翼者那邊也常碰到
Now, faced with these movements
一種過於政治正確的說法,
in recent years, Western discourse
以致於完全無法承認 穆斯林基本教義的問題,
has most often offered
更糟的是,無法為問題致歉,
two flawed responses.
這也讓人無法接受。
The first that one sometimes finds on the right
因此我想找的是一種新的方式,
suggests that most Muslims are fundamentalist
能夠一併討論所有問題,
or something about Islam is inherently fundamentalist,
並且是根植在生活經驗中,
and this is just offensive and wrong,
以及前線人們的希望之中。
but unfortunately on the left one sometimes encounters
我很痛苦地意識到
a discourse that is too politically correct
近年來對穆斯林的歧視與日俱增,
to acknowledge the problem of Muslim fundamentalism at all
像是在英國、美國,
or, even worse, apologizes for it,
這也是極度令人憂心的問題,
and this is unacceptable as well.
但我堅信
So what I'm seeking is a new way
訴說這些不同於刻板印象、
of talking about this all together,
關於穆斯林的故事,
which is grounded in the lived experiences
他們對抗基本主義者,
and the hope of the people on the front lines.
且成為首當其衝的受害者,
I'm painfully aware that there has been
述說他們的故事 也是種反抗歧視的好方式。
an increase in discrimination against Muslims in recent years
因此,現在讓我為各位介紹四個人,
in countries like the U.K. and the U.S.,
我很榮幸能與各位分享他們的故事。
and that too is a matter of grave concern,
法山.皮扎達與以他父親為名的 拉菲皮爾劇院工作坊,
but I firmly believe
已多年在巴基斯坦推廣表演藝術。
that telling these counter-stereotypical stories
隨著聖戰暴力的崛起,
of people of Muslim heritage
他們開始被威脅終止活動,
who have confronted the fundamentalists
但他們拒絕服從。
and been their primary victims
因此,一枚炸彈攻擊了
is also a great way of countering that discrimination.
2008 年舉行的第八屆 世界拉合爾表演藝術嘉年華,
So now let me introduce you
如雨落下的玻璃碎片
to four people whose stories
在事發現場
I had the great honor of telling.
造成九個人受傷,
Faizan Peerzada and the Rafi Peer Theatre
隨後在同一天晚上,
workshop named for his father
皮扎達做了一個非常艱難的決定,
have for years promoted the performing arts
他們宣布嘉年華
in Pakistan.
隔天如期舉行。
With the rise of jihadist violence,
如同法山當時所說,
they began to receive threats
如果我們對伊斯蘭教徒低頭,
to call off their events, which they refused to heed.
未來就只能坐在陰暗的角落。
And so a bomber struck their 2008
但是他們不知道會發生什麼事,
eighth world performing arts festival in Lahore,
會有人來嗎?
producing rain of glass
事實上,隔天有成千上萬人前來拉合爾
that fell into the venue
支持這場表演藝術,
injuring nine people,
這也讓法山感到激動又害怕,
and later that same night,
他跑到一名帶著兩個孩子 來參加的女士面前,
the Peerzadas made a very difficult decision:
他說:「你知道昨天這裡有炸彈攻擊吧?
they announced that their festival
你知道今天這裡有恐怖威脅吧?」
would continue as planned the next day.
她說:「我知道,
As Faizan said at the time,
但我和母親一起 參加過你辦的嘉年華,
if we bow down to the Islamists,
那時候我和他們一樣小,
we'll just be sitting in a dark corner.
那些影像至今還印在我心上,
But they didn't know what would happen.
我們一定要參加。」
Would anyone come?
有像她這樣勇敢的觀眾,
In fact, thousands of people came out the next day
讓皮扎達最終能 如期完成他們的嘉年華。
to support the performing arts in Lahore,
隔年,
and this simultaneously thrilled
他們失去了所有的贊助商,
and terrified Faizan,
原因是安全考量。
and he ran up to a woman
後來我在 2010 年和他們碰面,
who had come in with her two small children,
他們正在籌辦下一次的活動,
and he said, "You do know there was a bomb here yesterday,
在同一個地方舉辦,
and you do know there's a threat here today."
也就是第九屆的青年表演藝術嘉年華,
And she said, "I know that,
在拉合爾舉行,
but I came to your festival
那年當地已歷經了 44 次的恐怖攻擊。
with my mother when I was their age,
那個時候正是巴基斯坦的塔利班
and I still have those images in my mind.
開始有系統地以女子學校為目標,
We have to be here."
最後引發對馬拉拉的攻擊事件。
With stalwart audiences like this,
皮扎達在那種環境下做了什麼?
the Peerzadas were able to conclude
他們安排了女子校園劇院。
their festival on schedule.
我有幸觀賞《結》,
And then the next year,
那是用旁遮普語表演的歌舞劇,
they lost all of their sponsors
拉合爾文理學校的女學生
due to the security risk.
扮演所有的角色。
So when I met them in 2010,
他們唱歌、跳舞,
they were in the middle of the first subsequent event
扮演老鼠和水牛,
that they were able to have in the same venue,
我屏息凝氣,
and this was the ninth youth performing arts festival
心想我們能不能看到
held in Lahore in a year when that city
這場表演的最後一刻?
had already experienced 44 terror attacks.
結束時,
This was a time when the Pakistani Taliban
全場觀眾都鬆了一口氣,
had commenced their systematic targeting
有些人甚至流下眼淚,
of girls' schools that would culminate
後來,禮堂裡充滿大家的溫馨掌聲。
in the attack on Malala Yousafzai.
在那當下我心想
What did the Peerzadas do in that environment?
炸彈客上了新聞頭條
They staged girls' school theater.
不過是兩年前的事,
So I had the privilege of watching "Naang Wal,"
但是今晚和這些人
which was a musical in the Punjabi language,
也同是一樣重要的故事。
and the girls of Lahore Grammar School
瑪麗亞.巴希爾
played all the parts.
是阿富汗首位, 也是目前唯一的女性總檢察長。
They sang and danced,
她從 2008 年起任職,
they played the mice and the water buffalo,
並設立部門
and I held my breath, wondering,
調查針對女性的暴力案件,
would we get to the end
她說那是她的任務中 最重要的一環。
of this amazing show?
我和她在她的赫拉特辦公室碰面,
And when we did, the whole audience
她進入時
collectively exhaled,
被四位手持大型槍枝的 彪形大漢圍繞。
and a few people actually wept,
其實現在她有 23 位保鑣,
and then they filled the auditorium
因為她才剛經歷炸彈攻擊,
with the peaceful boom of their applause.
她的孩子差點被炸死,
And I remember thinking in that moment
其中一位保鑣還失去一條腿。
that the bombers made headlines here
為什麼她還要繼續下去?
two years before
她面帶微笑,
but this night and these people
說每個人都問她這個問題,
are as important a story.
她是這樣描述的: 「為什麼你要冒這種生命危險?」
Maria Bashir is the first and only
對她來說這答案簡單明瞭,
woman chief prosecutor in Afghanistan.
能替所有女性創造更美好的未來
She's been in the post since 2008
值得冒險,
and actually opened an office to investigate
她知道如果像她這樣的人
cases of violence against women,
不去冒險,
which she says is the most important area
就不會有更好的未來。
in her mandate.
之後在我們的訪談中,
When I meet her in her office in Herat,
檢察長巴希爾告訴我她有多擔心
she enters surrounded by
政府和塔利班協商的可能結果,
four large men with four huge guns.
那些是曾試圖殺了她的人。
In fact, she now has 23 bodyguards,
她問:「如果讓他們擔任公職,
because she has weathered bomb attacks
誰來保護婦女的權利?」
that nearly killed her kids,
她鼓吹國際組織
and it took the leg off of one of her guards.
不要忘了對女性的承諾,
Why does she continue?
只因為他們現在希望與塔利班和平共處。
She says with a smile that that is the question
我離開阿富汗幾週後,
that everyone asks—
看到一則網路頭條。
as she puts it, "Why you risk not living?"
阿富汗檢察官遇刺。
And it is simply that for her,
我絕望地上網搜尋,
a better future for all the Maria Bashirs to come
謝天謝地,
is worth the risk,
瑪麗亞不是受害者,
and she knows that if people like her
但讓人難過的是,另一位阿富汗檢察官
do not take the risk,
在回家的路上被槍殺。
there will be no better future.
現在只要我聽到像那樣的頭條,
Later on in our interview,
我都會想,
Prosecutor Bashir tells me how worried she is
在國際軍隊今年撤離阿富汗之後,
about the possible outcome
我們仍須持續關心
of government negotiations with the Taliban,
那裡的人發生什麼事,
the people who have been trying to kill her.
以及像瑪麗亞那樣的女性發生什麼事。
"If we give them a place in the government,"
有時候我仍聽見她的聲音 在我的腦海裡縈繞,
she asks, "Who will protect women's rights?"
她一點也不逞強地說:
And she urges the international community
「阿富汗婦女的處境
not to forget its promise about women
總有一天會更好。
because now they want peace with Taliban.
我們應該為此打穩基礎,
A few weeks after I leave Afghanistan,
即使我們會因此喪命。」
I see a headline on the Internet.
沒有任何言語足以譴責
An Afghan prosecutor has been assassinated.
索馬利亞青年黨的恐怖分子,
I google desperately,
他們曾攻擊奈洛比的西門百貨,
and thankfully that day I find out
兒童廚藝大賽
that Maria was not the victim,
就在 2013 年 9 月的同一天舉行。
though sadly, another Afghan prosecutor
他們殺了 67 人,包括詩人和孕婦。
was gunned down on his way to work.
我在遙遠的美國中西部
And when I hear headlines like that now,
很好運碰到索馬利亞裔的美國人,
I think that as international troops
他們致力於反抗索馬利亞青年黨,
leave Afghanistan this year and beyond,
避免他們召募故鄉 明尼亞波利斯的年輕人
we must continue to care
參與像西門百貨那樣的暴行。
about what happens to people there,
阿迪里扎.畢希
to all of the Maria Bashirs.
有一位勤學的 17 歲姪子伯罕.哈桑
Sometimes I still hear her voice in my head
2008 年時在這裡被召募,
saying, with no bravado whatsoever,
帶到索馬利亞,
"The situation of the women of Afghanistan
後來在試圖回家時被殺身亡。
will be better someday.
自那時起,
We should prepare the ground for this,
無預算管理索馬利亞 教育與提倡組織的畢希先生
even if we are killed."
一直大聲譴責這種召募行動
There are no words adequate
和失敗的政府,
to denounce the al Shabaab terrorists
以及索馬利裔美國人的機構,
who attacked the Westgate Mall in Nairobi
像是阿布巴卡.阿斯-沙迪克 伊斯蘭教中心,
on the same day as a children's cooking competition
他相信姪子就是在這個組織的
in September of 2013.
青年課程中被慫恿。
They killed 67, including poets and pregnant women.
但他不只是批判清真寺,
Far away in the American Midwest,
他也批判政府
I had the good fortune of meeting Somali-Americans
未能努力
who were working to counter the efforts of al Shabaab
減少他們社群的貧窮。
to recruit a small number of young people
考慮到拮据的經濟資源,
from their city of Minneapolis
畢許先生必須更有創意。
to take part in atrocities like Westgate.
要抵抗索馬利亞青年黨
Abdirizak Bihi's studious
不讓他們動搖更多不滿的青年,
17-year-old nephew Burhan Hassan
在 2010 年青年黨攻擊
was recruited here in 2008,
烏干達世界盃的觀眾之後,
spirited to Somalia,
他策畫齋戒月籃球比賽,
and then killed when he tried to come home.
在明尼亞波利斯舉行 以回應該起攻擊。
Since that time, Mr. Bihi,
許多索馬利亞裔的美國孩童出來
who directs the no-budget Somali Education and Advocacy Center,
投入運動懷抱,
has been vocally denouncing the recruitment
無視伊斯蘭領袖的命令。
and the failures of government
他們打籃球,
and Somali-American institutions
但伯罕.哈桑卻無法再次打球。
like the Abubakar As-Saddique Islamic Center
畢希先生的努力
where he believes his nephew was radicalized
讓他因此被阿布巴卡.阿斯-沙迪克 伊斯蘭教中心的高層排擠,
during a youth program.
失去原來的友好關係。
But he doesn't just criticize the mosque.
他告訴我:「有天我看到 伊斯蘭教領袖在電視上,
He also takes on the government
稱我們離經叛道,
for its failure to do more
還說『這些家人都試圖破壞清真寺。』」
to prevent poverty in his community.
這完全違背了
Given his own lack of financial resources,
阿迪里扎.畢希的理念,
Mr. Bihi has had to be creative.
他不斷嘗試努力
To counter the efforts of al Shabaab
揭發索馬利亞青年黨的召募行動,
to sway more disaffected youth,
就為了拯救我所熱愛的宗教
in the wake of the group's 2010 attack
免受少數極端分子控制。
on World Cup viewers in Uganda,
我想說的最後一個故事是,
he organized a Ramadan basketball tournament
有一位在阿爾及利亞的 22 歲法律系學生
in Minneapolis in response.
名叫阿梅爾.任努-佐尼,
Scores of Somali-American kids came out
她也夢想從事法律相關職業,
to embrace sport
和我在 90 年代時一樣。
despite the fatwa against it.
她拒絕放棄學業,
They played basketball
無視基本主義者
as Burhan Hassan never would again.
在和阿爾及利亞政府交戰之後
For his efforts, Mr. Bihi has been ostracized
威脅所有繼續上學的人。
by the leadership of the Abubakar As-Saddique Islamic Center,
1997 年 1 月 26 日,
with which he used to have good relations.
她在阿爾及爾搭上公車,
He told me, "One day we saw the imam on TV
準備從學校回家,
calling us infidels and saying,
和家人共渡齋戒月的夜晚,
'These families are trying to destroy the mosque.'"
卻永遠無法唸完法學院了。
This is at complete odds
巴士開到她家鄉的郊區外時,
with how Abdirizak Bihi understands
在檢查站被攔了下來,
what he is trying to do
站崗的是伊斯蘭武裝組織的男子。
by exposing al Shabaab recruitment,
阿梅爾拿著書包
which is to save the religion I love
被帶下公車,
from a small number of extremists.
在街上被殺死。
Now I want to tell one last story,
男人切斷她的喉嚨,
that of a 22-year-old law student in Algeria
之後告訴每個人:
named Amel Zenoune-Zouani
「如果你去唸大學,
who had the same dreams of a legal career
總有一天我們會回來殺了你,
that I did back in the '90s.
就像這樣。」
She refused to give up her studies,
阿梅爾在下午五點十七分過世,
despite the fact that the fundamentalists
我們會知道是因為,她倒在街上時
battling the Algerian state back then
手錶摔破了。
threatened all who continued their education.
她媽媽給我們看手錶,
On January 26, 1997, Amel boarded the bus
上頭的秒針仍樂觀地邁向
in Algiers where she was studying
永遠不會到來的五點十八分。
to go home and spend a Ramadan evening
阿梅爾死前
with her family,
曾告訴母親和姊妹:
and would never finish law school.
「一切都會平安無事,這是阿拉的旨意,
When the bus reached the outskirts
但如果發生了什麼事,
of her hometown, it was stopped
你們要知道,我們是為了知識而死。
at a checkpoint manned by men
你和父親一定要昂首挺立。」
from the Armed Islamic Group.
如此年輕的少女生命殞落 讓人無法理解,
Carrying her schoolbag,
因此當我做研究時,
Amel was taken off the bus
發現自己再次尋找阿梅爾的希望,
and killed in the street.
而她的名字甚至是 阿拉伯語中的「希望」。
The men who cut her throat
我想,我在兩個地方找到了希望。
then told everyone else,
第一處是在她堅強的家人 與其他人身上,
"If you go to university,
他們繼續訴說自己的故事,
the day will come when we will kill all of you
繼續生活,無視於恐怖主義。
just like this."
其實阿梅爾的妹妹拉米亞已經走出傷痛,
Amel died at exactly 5:17 p.m.,
在法學院就讀,
which we know because when she fell in the street,
也在阿爾及爾當律師,
her watch broke.
這種事之所以能發生,
Her mother showed me the watch
是因為武裝基本主義者
with the second hand still aimed
在國內的勢力被大幅消滅。
optimistically upward
第二個我發現阿梅爾希望之處,
towards a 5:18 that would never come.
是各個地方不分男女
Shortly before her death,
都持續反抗聖戰。
Amel had said to her mother of herself
為了向阿梅爾致敬, 我們必須全面支持那些
and her sisters,
至今仍繼續為人權而奮戰的團體,
"Nothing will happen to us, Inshallah, God willing,
像是「穆斯林律法下的女性組織」。
but if something happens,
這還不夠,就像受害者權利倡導者
you must know that we are dead for knowledge.
查理法.凱達在阿爾及爾告訴我的,
You and father must keep your heads held high."
只是對抗恐怖主義是不夠的。
The loss of such a young woman is unfathomable,
我們也要挑戰基本教義派,
and so as I did my research
因為基本主義是
I found myself searching for Amel's hope again
創造出恐怖主義基礎的意識型態。
and her name even means "hope" in Arabic.
為什麼像她這樣的人、像他們的人
I think I found it in two places.
沒有更加廣為人知?
The first is in the strength of her family
為什麼每個人都認識賓拉登,
and all the other families to continue telling their stories
卻少有人認識那些
and to go on with their lives despite the terrorism.
用各種方式起身反抗賓拉登的人們。
In fact, Amel's sister Lamia overcame her grief,
我們一定要改變,
went to law school,
因此我請各位幫忙分享這些故事,
and practices as a lawyer in Algiers today,
運用你們的網絡。
something which is only possible
再看一眼阿梅爾.任努-佐尼的手錶,
because the armed fundamentalists
永遠凍結了,
were largely defeated in the country.
現在請看著你自己的手錶,
And the second place I found Amel's hope
決定這一刻就是你承諾
was everywhere that women and men
支持像阿梅爾這樣的人。
continue to defy the jihadis.
我們沒有對他們沉默的權力,
We must support all of those in honor of Amel
只因為那更簡單,
who continue this human rights struggle today,
或是因為西方國家的政策也有缺失,
like the Network of Women Living Under Muslim Laws.
因為五點十七分仍然發生在
It is not enough, as the victims rights advocate
太多阿梅爾.任努-佐尼身上,
Cherifa Kheddar told me in Algiers,
發生在像北奈及利亞這樣的地方,
it is not enough just to battle terrorism.
聖戰仍在那裡殺害學生。
We must also challenge fundamentalism,
聲援所有
because fundamentalism is the ideology
和平對抗基本教義派
that makes the bed of this terrorism.
和社群內恐怖分子的時刻
Why is it that people like her, like all of them
就是現在。
are not more well known?
謝謝。
Why is it that everyone knows who Osama bin Laden was
(掌聲)
and so few know of all of those
standing up to the bin Ladens in their own contexts.
We must change that, and so I ask you
to please help share these stories
through your networks.
Look again at Amel Zenoune's watch,
forever frozen,
and now please look at your own watch
and decide this is the moment that you commit
to supporting people like Amel.
We don't have the right to be silent about them
because it is easier
or because Western policy is flawed as well,
because 5:17 is still coming
to too many Amel Zenounes
in places like northern Nigeria,
where jihadis still kill students.
The time to speak up in support of all of those
who peacefully challenge fundamentalism
and terrorism in their own communities
is now.
Thank you.
(Applause)