and that's true,

說是「全力支持」的確不為過。

but after more than a decade

但是這十幾年來，

of studying and participating in multiple social movements,

我一直研究並參與了各種社會運動，

I've come to realize

如今我意識到

that the way technology empowers social movements

科技全力支持社會運動的方式

can also paradoxically help weaken them.

可能反倒會削弱它們的影響。

This is not inevitable, but overcoming it requires diving deep

這並非不可避免，但要跨越這個難關

into what makes success possible over the long term.

必須要深刻探究，究竟是什麼 讓社會運動在長期有可能成功。

And the lessons apply in multiple domains.

而這些教訓可以應用於諸多領域。

Now, take Turkey's Gezi Park protests, July 2013,

讓我們談談2013年7月 在土耳其格濟公園發生的抗議，

which I went back to study in the field.

我當時還回到抗議現場進行研究。

Twitter was key to its organizing.

推特是組織這場抗議的關鍵所在。

It was everywhere in the park -- well, along with a lot of tear gas.

它在公園裡無處不在﹣﹣ 無處不在的還包括催淚彈。

It wasn't all high tech.

它並非全是高科技。

But the people in Turkey had already gotten used to the power of Twitter

但土耳其人早已習慣了推特的力量，

because of an unfortunate incident about a year before

因為一年前的一場不幸事故，

when military jets had bombed and killed

軍用飛機轟炸並殺死了

34 Kurdish smugglers near the border region,

在土耳其邊界的34個庫爾德走私販。

and Turkish media completely censored this news.

土耳其媒體完全封殺了這條新聞。

Editors sat in their newsrooms

新聞編輯坐在他們的工作室，

and waited for the government to tell them what to do.

等著政府告訴他們下一步該怎麼做。

One frustrated journalist could not take this anymore.

一位懊惱的記者無法再忍受這一切。

He purchased his own plane ticket,

他自掏腰包買了機票，

and went to the village where this had occurred.

飛到了這次事件發生的村莊。

And he was confronted by this scene:

而他眼前的是這般景象：

a line of coffins coming down a hill, relatives wailing.

一整列棺材依次下山， 死者的親友號啕痛哭。

He later he told me how overwhelmed he felt,

之後，他告訴我，他深受打擊，

and didn't know what to do,

不知所措，

so he took out his phone,

於是他拿出手機，

like any one of us might,

正如我們任何人都可能會做的那樣，

and snapped that picture and tweeted it out.

他拍下這番景象，並發送了一條推特。

And voila, that picture went viral

好傢伙，這張圖在網路上爆紅，

and broke the censorship and forced mass media to cover it.

並且衝破了審查制度， 逼迫大眾傳媒對它進行報導。

So when, a year later, Turkey's Gezi protests happened,

於是一年後， 當格濟抗議運動在土耳其展開，

it started as a protest about a park being razed,

一開始事關一個被夷為平地的公園，

but became an anti-authoritarian protest.

卻發展成為一場反威權抗議運動。

It wasn't surprising that media also censored it,

並不令人驚訝的是， 土耳其媒體再度封殺了這條消息，

but it got a little ridiculous at times.

但有時事情會變得很荒唐。

When things were so intense,

當事態已如此緊張時，

when CNN International was broadcasting live from Istanbul,

當CNN國際頻道 正從伊斯坦堡進行直播時，

CNN Turkey instead was broadcasting a documentary on penguins.

CNN土耳其頻道正在播放 一部關於企鵝的紀錄片。

Now, I love penguin documentaries, but that wasn't the news of the day.

我很愛看企鵝紀錄片， 但它並非當天的頭條新聞。

An angry viewer put his two screens together and snapped that picture,

一位憤怒的觀眾將這兩個畫面 放在一起，拍下了一張照片，

and that one too went viral,

而那張圖也在網路上被瘋轉。

and since then, people call Turkish media the penguin media. (Laughter)

從那以後，人們將土耳其媒體 稱為「企鵝媒體」。（笑）

But this time, people knew what to do.

但這一次，大家都知道該做什麼了。

They just took out their phones and looked for actual news.

他們只需拿出了自己的手機， 查看真實的新聞報導。

Better, they knew to go to the park and take pictures and participate

更讚的是，他們知道要去公園， 拍下圖片並參與其中，

and share it more on social media.

將圖片在社群媒體上廣泛分享。

Digital connectivity was used for everything from food to donations.

網路連接被應用於方方面面， 從抗議中的食物供給到捐款。

Everything was organized partially with the help of these new technologies.

一切食物的組織都部份依靠了 這些新科技的幫助。

And using Internet to mobilize and publicize protests

而利用網路調動人群， 並宣傳抗議運動，

actually goes back a long way.

這樣的做法其實並不新鮮。

Remember the Zapatistas,

還記得薩帕塔民族解放軍嗎？

the peasant uprising in the southern Chiapas region of Mexico

那些來自墨西哥恰帕斯州南部的農民，

led by the masked, pipe-smoking, charismatic Subcomandante Marcos?

以帶著面目、抽著煙槍、 充滿魅力的副司令馬科斯為領袖？

That was probably the first movement

那或許是第一場獲得全球矚目的運動了，

that got global attention thanks to the Internet.

多虧了網際網路。

Or consider Seattle '99,

或者思考一下1999年的西雅圖，

when a multinational grassroots effort brought global attention

當跨國性民眾的努力 獲得了全球性的關注，

to what was then an obscure organization, the World Trade Organization,

讓這個當時還不知名的組織， 「世界貿易組織」進入世人眼簾，

by also utilizing these digital technologies to help them organize.

同樣也是通過利用這些電子科技 來幫助他們組織實現的。

And more recently, movement after movement

最近，不斷出現的民眾運動

has shaken country after country:

撼動了一個又一個國家：

the Arab uprisings from Bahrain to Tunisia to Egypt and more;

從巴林蔓延到到突尼斯、埃及， 甚至更多國家的阿拉伯起義；

indignados in Spain, Italy, Greece; the Gezi Park protests;

在西班牙、意大利、希臘的「憤怒者」； 格濟公園起義；

Taiwan; Euromaidan in Ukraine; Hong Kong.

台灣的太陽花運動；烏克蘭的 「親歐盟示威」；香港的佔中運動。

And think of more recent initiatives, like the #BringBackOurGirls hashtags.

再想想更近期的自發性團體， 比如推特標籤「#釋放我們的女孩」。

Nowadays, a network of tweets can unleash a global awareness campaign.

如今，推特網路能夠發動 一場全球性的覺醒運動。

A Facebook page can become the hub of a massive mobilization.

一篇臉書主頁就能成為 大規模性動員的中流砥柱。

Amazing.

太神奇了。

But think of the moments I just mentioned.

但是思考一下我剛剛 提到過的幾個瞬間。

The achievements they were able to have, their outcomes,

他們得以實現的成就，他們的成果，

are not really proportional to the size and energy they inspired.

與他們所激發的規模和能量 並不完全成正比。

The hopes they rightfully raised are not really matched

他們正當提出的期望與 他們最終得到的結果並不匹配。

by what they were able to have as a result in the end.

問題就來了：

And this raises a question:

隨著電子科技令民眾運動 變得更為簡單可行，

As digital technology makes things easier for movements,

為什麼運動獲得成功的可能性 並沒有相應地增加呢？

why haven't successful outcomes become more likely as well?

我們在行動主義和政治中 欣然接受了網路平台的同時，

In embracing digital platforms for activism and politics,

是否忽略了用老辦法做事的一些好處？

are we overlooking some of the benefits of doing things the hard way?

我相信正是如此。

Now, I believe so.

我相信一條經驗法則：

I believe that the rule of thumb is:

動員民眾變得更加容易 並不意味著取得成果就會更加容易。

Easier to mobilize does not always mean easier to achieve gains.

讓我把話說清楚，

Now, to be clear,

科技的確在很多方面有助於民運，

technology does empower in multiple ways.

它的效果非常強大。

It's very powerful.

在土耳其，我看著四個年輕的大學生

In Turkey, I watched four young college students

組織了一個全國性的市民新聞網路， 名為 140Journos ，

organize a countrywide citizen journalism network called 140Journos

而那成為了這個國家裡 不受審查的新聞中心。

that became the central hub for uncensored news in the country.

在埃及，我見證了四個年輕人 利用數位連結

In Egypt, I saw another four young people use digital connectivity

為10家戰地醫院組織了 物資供給和後勤工作，

to organize the supplies and logistics for 10 field hospitals,

都是非常大規模的操作，

very large operations,

正是在2011年解放廣場附件 發生大規模衝突的那段時期。

during massive clashes near Tahrir Square in 2011.

我問了這個叫做 「解放供給」組織的創始人，

And I asked the founder of this effort, called Tahrir Supplies,

他花了多久將這個想法轉化成現實。

how long it took him to go from when he had the idea to when he got started.

「五分鐘，」他說道。只花了五分鐘。

"Five minutes," he said. Five minutes.

他本人在物流方面 並沒有任何訓練或背景。

And he had no training or background in logistics.

又或者想想在2011年 震撼了世界的佔領運動吧。

Or think of the Occupy movement which rocked the world in 2011.

它僅僅從一封電郵開始，

It started with a single email

一封來自 Adbusters 雜誌 向它的9萬名訂閱者發送的電郵。

from a magazine, Adbusters, to 90,000 subscribers in its list.

第一封電郵發出的兩個月後，

About two months after that first email,

在美國有600場持續進行的 佔領運動和抗議。

there were in the United States 600 ongoing occupations and protests.

祖科蒂公園第一場佔領運動 發生後一個月之內，

Less than one month after the first physical occupation in Zuccotti Park,

一場全球性抗議在82個國家， 950個城市進行。

a global protest was held in about 82 countries, 950 cities.

這是史上規模最大的全球性抗議運動。

It was one of the largest global protests ever organized.

將它和1955年阿拉巴馬州的 民權運動相比較一下，

Now, compare that to what the Civil Rights Movement had to do in 1955 Alabama

那場抗議是為了爭取罷免 種族隔離的公車系統。

to protest the racially segregated bus system, which they wanted to boycott.

他們準備了多年，

They'd been preparing for many years

就在羅薩．派克斯被捕之際， 決定是時候實施這個運動了。

and decided it was time to swing into action

可是這麼才能散佈這個消息呢？

after Rosa Parks was arrested.

告訴大家： 「明天我們要進行聯合抵制啦！」

But how do you get the word out --

當時並沒有臉書、短訊、推特， 什麼都沒有的那個年代該怎麼辦呢？

tomorrow we're going to start the boycott --

於是他們不得不油印 5萬2千張宣傳單，

when you don't have Facebook, texting, Twitter, none of that?

偷偷溜進一間大學的複印室，

So they had to mimeograph 52,000 leaflets

秘密地油印了一晚上。

by sneaking into a university duplicating room

然後，他們發動了遍佈全城的 68個非裔美國人團體，

and working all night, secretly.

由專人發散了這些傳單。

They then used the 68 African-American organizations

這項運輸任務令人望而卻步， 因為他們都是窮人。

that criss-crossed the city to distribute those leaflets by hand.

他們必須去工作，不論參加抵制與否。

And the logistical tasks were daunting, because these were poor people.

因此，他們組織了大規模的汽車共乘，

They had to get to work, boycott or no,

同樣也是通過見面的方式。

so a massive carpool was organized,

沒有短訊，沒有推特，沒有臉書。

again by meeting.

他們必須不斷的見面， 才能讓共乘得以進行下去。

No texting, no Twitter, no Facebook.

如今，這會簡單得多。

They had to meet almost all the time to keep this carpool going.

我們可以創建一個數據庫， 顯示可供乘搭的和你所需要的便車，

Today, it would be so much easier.

使用數據庫座標， 並且利用短訊來聯繫。

We could create a database, available rides and what rides you need,

我們不用那麼頻繁地見面。

have the database coordinate, and use texting.

但話說回來，考慮下這一點：

We wouldn't have to meet all that much.

美國的民權運動

But again, consider this:

跨越了政治危險的雷區，

the Civil Rights Movement in the United States

面臨壓迫，衝破阻礙， 贏得了重大的政策讓步，

navigated a minefield of political dangers,

在諸多風險中航行、創新。

faced repression and overcame, won major policy concessions,

與之截然相反，在佔領運動引起 對不平等的全球性討論三年後，

navigated and innovated through risks.

引起這場爭議的政策仍固若金湯。

In contrast, three years after Occupy sparked

歐洲也曾被反緊縮政策 抗議運動所震撼，

that global conversation about inequality,

但這片大陸並沒有改變前進的方向。

the policies that fueled it are still in place.

我們欣然接受這些科技的同時，

Europe was also rocked by anti-austerity protests,

是否忽視了緩慢而有持續性的方法 所帶來的一些好處？

but the continent didn't shift its direction.

為了理解這一點，

In embracing these technologies,

我在格濟抗議運動大約一年後 回到了土耳其，

are we overlooking some of the benefits of slow and sustained?

並參訪了一些人，

To understand this,

從激進分子到政治家，

I went back to Turkey about a year after the Gezi protests

從執政黨到反對黨和反對運動。

and I interviewed a range of people,

我發現格濟抗議者們很絕望。

from activists to politicians,

他們很懊惱，

from both the ruling party and the opposition party and movements.

他們取得的成果 和之前的期望相去甚遠。

I found that the Gezi protesters were despairing.

這樣的話我在全球各地不斷聽到，

They were frustrated,

從許多其他與我保持聯絡的 抗議者口中聽到。

and they had achieved much less than what they had hoped for.

而我也逐漸意識到，問題的所在之一

This echoed what I'd been hearing around the world

就是我們如今的抗議活動 有些像攀越珠穆朗瑪峰，

from many other protesters that I'm in touch with.

不過是在60個夏爾巴人的幫助下，

And I've come to realize that part of the problem

而網路就是我們的夏爾巴人。

is that today's protests have become a bit like climbing Mt. Everest

我們正在做的則是走捷徑，

with the help of 60 Sherpas,

並沒有帶來「慢工出細活」的好處。

and the Internet is our Sherpa.

因為，你看看，

What we're doing is taking the fast routes

組織那些令人生畏、無聊透頂的 物流任務所需要的做的，

and not replacing the benefits of the slower work.

不僅僅是處理好那些任務，

Because, you see,

他們還創造出一種組織， 能夠發揮集體思考的力量，

the kind of work that went into organizing

並且能夠共同作出決定，

all those daunting, tedious logistical tasks

獲得共識，實現創新， 或許甚至還有更關鍵的，

did not just take care of those tasks,

也就是跨越差異，攜手同行。

they also created the kind of organization that could think together collectively

因此，當你看到1963年 華盛頓的這場大遊行時，

and make hard decisions together,

當年你看著那幅圖片時，

create consensus and innovate, and maybe even more crucially,

正是在這場大遊行中， 馬丁．路德．金發表了他著名演講

keep going together through differences.

《我有一個夢想》，就在1963年，

So when you see this March on Washington in 1963,

你看到的不只是一場遊行， 你聽到的不只是一場有力的演講，

when you look at that picture,

還有這場遊行背後的 辛苦付出和長期努力。

where this is the march where Martin Luther King gave his famous

而如果你是當權者，

"I have a dream" speech, 1963,

你會意識到，你必須嚴肅對待 這場遊行所顯示的能力，

you don't just see a march and you don't just hear a powerful speech,

不僅僅是遊行本身，而是 這場遊行所顯示的能力。

you also see the painstaking, long-term work that can put on that march.

反觀佔領運動的全球性遊行，

And if you're in power,

在短短兩週之內就組織完畢，

you realize you have to take the capacity signaled by that march,

卻紕漏百出，各種不滿，

not just the march, but the capacity signaled by that march, seriously.

卻看不到什麼能夠發揮 長期影響力的東西。

In contrast, when you look at Occupy's global marches

關鍵的一點是， 民權運動在策略上創新，

that were organized in two weeks,

從聯合抵制，到午餐檯靜坐、 罷工糾察、示威遊行、自由之行。

you see a lot of discontent,

今天的運動快速地形成大規模， 卻沒有組織基礎，

but you don't necessarily see teeth that can bite over the long term.

讓他們得以承受住考驗。

And crucially, the Civil Rights Movement innovated tactically

他們像是剛剛創業的公司， 規模迅速擴大，

from boycotts to lunch counter sit-ins to pickets to marches to freedom rides.

卻不知道下一步該如何是好，

Today's movements scale up very quickly without the organizational base

也很少能夠有策略地調整姿態，

that can see them through the challenges.

因為他們沒有足夠強的能力

They feel a little like startups that got very big

來經受住這些轉變。

without knowing what to do next,

我要把話說清楚： 勝利法寶並非油印機。

and they rarely manage to shift tactically

而是共同協作、集體思考的能力，

because they don't have the depth of capacity

那只有通過長期的努力才能獲得。

to weather such transitions.

為了理解這一點，

Now, I want to be clear: The magic is not in the mimeograph.

我採訪了土耳其執政黨的 一位高層官員，

It's in that capacity to work together, think together collectively,

我問他：「你是如何辦到的？」

which can only be built over time with a lot of work.

他們同樣也大量使用電子科技， 所以這一定不是原因。

To understand all this,

那秘密究竟是什麼呢？

I interviewed a top official from the ruling party in Turkey,

他告訴了我這個秘密。

and I ask him, "How do you do it?"

他說，關鍵在於他喝茶從不加糖。

They too use digital technology extensively, so that's not it.

我說，這聽起來風馬牛不相及啊？

So what's the secret?

他又說道，他的黨派極早地 開始為下一場競選做準備，

Well, he told me.

從上一場競選結束就開始了，

He said the key is he never took sugar with his tea.

而他一天到晚都去投票人家中訪問，

I said, what has that got to do with anything?

去他們的婚禮派對現場，割禮儀式，

Well, he said, his party starts getting ready for the next election

然後他與同事見面，對比一下筆記。

the day after the last one,

每天要參加那麼多次會見， 每次會見都有茶供應，

and he spends all day every day meeting with voters in their homes,

他不能拒絕送來的茶水， 因為那樣會很失禮，

in their wedding parties, circumcision ceremonies,

在每杯茶裡，他一顆糖塊也不能放，

and then he meets with his colleagues to compare notes.

因為那樣的話，就會攝入 數不清幾千克的糖分了。

With that many meetings every day, with tea offered at every one of them,

那一刻，我意識到 為什麼他語速這麼快。

which he could not refuse, because that would be rude,

我們是在下午見面的， 他那天已經攝入過量咖啡因了。

he could not take even one cube of sugar per cup of tea,

但是他的政黨贏得了兩個重大選舉，

because that would be many kilos of sugar, he can't even calculate how many kilos,

就在格濟示威一年之內， 獲得足夠多的票數贏得了大選。

and at that point I realized why he was speaking so fast.

誠然，政府要推上檯面有不同的資源。

We had met in the afternoon, and he was already way over-caffeinated.

選舉和民運不一樣， 但他們的不同點是由教育意義的。

But his party won two major elections

就像所有類似的故事一樣， 這並非只是一個關於科技的故事。

within a year of the Gezi protests with comfortable margins.

這是關於科技能讓我們實現什麼， 與我們想要實現什麼相彙聚。

To be sure, governments have different resources to bring to the table.

如今的社會運動想要 以非正式的方法運營。

It's not the same game, but the differences are instructive.

他們不想要領導體制。

And like all such stories, this is not a story just of technology.

他們想要遠離政治，因為他們 懼怕貪腐和拉攏收買。

It's what technology allows us to do converging with what we want to do.

他們說的沒錯。

Today's social movements want to operate informally.

現代代議民主在許多國家 被強權掐住了喉嚨。

They do not want institutional leadership.

但如此般運營對他們來說是艱難的，

They want to stay out of politics because they fear corruption and cooptation.

難以長期維繫，難以對體制施加影響，

They have a point.

這就導致了許多懊惱的 抗議者退出遊行，

Modern representative democracies are being strangled in many countries

也導致了更加充滿貪腐的政治。

by powerful interests.

而沒面臨過有效性挑戰的 政治和民主好比一個跛腳人，

But operating this way makes it hard for them

因為那些引起近期社會運動的 背後原因是極為關鍵的。

to sustain over the long term and exert leverage over the system,

氣候變化向我們步步緊逼。

which leads to frustrated protesters dropping out,

不平等正阻礙著人們的成長和潛能， 並且阻礙著經濟發展。

and even more corrupt politics.

威權主義在許多國家令人窒息。