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  • So I have a question on the technical disruption side.

  • I live in San Francisco, arguably the center

  • of a lot of the disruption.

  • And technocrats in San Francisco, for the past year or two, have really

  • gotten into this idea of guaranteed basic income,

  • or mincome, as a possible solution to this.

  • And to me, it seems, at best, a band-aid, and at worst, the beginning of the dismantling

  • of the social welfare state.

  • And I wondered if you had any of opinions about the feasibility or impact of a

  • mincome policy.

  • So this is one of these ideas that have been--

  • Can I actually add to that?

  • Sure.

  • Because I've spent the last 18 months in the Bay Area too.

  • And at least the kind of community, the intellectual community around Stanford,

  • has this thing of "this is really great that we actually

  • don't have enough work for labor.

  • Because none of us should work anyway.

  • We should just take 10% off of the top 1%, distribute it,

  • and everybody gets to do whatever they want with their time."

  • It's not a terrible solution, if you could actually

  • make it happen, right?

  • Yeah.

  • And so why should any of us work anyway?

  • If it's going to be a sharing economy, if everybody's

  • going to be Uber and Air BnB?

  • I'm really curious about this question and what you think about that.

  • Because it's radical and it's anti-capitalist, but it could work.

  • Right.

  • I totally agree, but the problem's getting your hands on the cash, right?

  • So my favorite example for this that I

  • like to give in talks where I bump into Republican audiences,

  • which is usually when I talk to financial conferences

  • and things, is to say, "so how many of you

  • voted for Mitt Romney?"

  • And quite a few hands are going up.

  • "OK, why?"

  • And I don't mean this as a partisan thing.

  • I didn't mean it as a fairness thing.

  • What was Mitt Romney's effective tax rate?

  • 9%.

  • Because he only pays capital gains at 15%.

  • And he basically has tax shelters and incorporations

  • in Delaware and Arizona and the Cayman Islands

  • and all the rest of it.

  • And he basically pays about an $0.08 to $0.09 on the dollar.

  • I pay $0.33.

  • If you add up all my state and local, I'm paying German rates of tax, but I'm

  • getting-- what would I call it?

  • Third world public services.

  • So I can't vote for that.

  • That's just unfair.

  • So there's a fairness question.

  • But it hasn't really become a political topic.

  • Because if that becomes the issue, then you can make an argument for that

  • type of radical redistribution, which is essentially

  • "pay your goddamn taxes."

  • And given that you've got most of the money,

  • don't tell me you pay most of the taxes.

  • You do in volume terms, but you're cheating on the margin.

  • You owe a hell of a lot more.

  • So there's a wonderful book called Treasure Islands.

  • And the estimate in that is if you go to all the tax havens where all the

  • Mitts in the world have all their cash stored, and this

  • is just those bits.

  • There's other places, like art, warehousing, and all that sort

  • of stuff you can hide wealth.

  • $29 trillion.

  • I'll say that again-- $29 trillion.

  • That's a lot redistribution you could do.

  • And all of that is basically money that people have avoided tax on.

  • So if the Community Chest agreement is, "you made it here, you pay your taxes,"

  • well, we're making it everywhere and we're not paying any taxes.

  • Hence Poland, Ireland and all that sort of stuff.

  • So you can see the beginning of movement on this, particular on the corporate side.

  • That's there.

  • But let's get to the heart of the matter.

  • Because this is really it.

  • Why should we work?

  • I often think that economists forget that the most basic thing you learn in

  • economics is the labor-leisure trade off.

  • As we get richer as a society, we're meant to work less.

  • We're not meant to be more insecure, working for crappier wages more and more hours.

  • So why is that happening?

  • Well, it's actually about the property rights behind it.

  • So let's go to San Francisco for a minute.

  • Uber is fantastic.

  • I think Uber is absolutely brilliant.

  • I love it.

  • I love the fact that when you need to get to the airport,

  • they actually show up.

  • I love the fact that it doesn't smell like nine people who've

  • been murdered in the back of this car before I get in it, which is your average

  • city taxi.

  • And I love the fact that all even if these guys are

  • basically ripping off the drivers, a much larger proportion of what they're

  • actually earning goes to them than rather it goes straight

  • to medallion holder who holds the license that's basically

  • a money pump from basically poor immigrants

  • who are earning an equivalent of less than minimum wage in tips.

  • So I love it.

  • It's great.

  • Let's say Uber gets driverless cars sorted out.

  • You'll eliminate 8 million jobs in the United States like that.

  • Now, unless you're going to give them some kind of compensation,

  • a basic income or anything like that, what exactly do you do?

  • Now, this is where it gets more into the ethics of capitalism,

  • because essentially we have a system that

  • says you need to work.

  • Everybody needs to work.

  • But what if you don't need them?

  • And this is a way bigger problem.

  • Because all the returns go to the guys at Uber.

  • All the returns go to the guys at Whatsapp, whoever gets robotics sorted out, all

  • the returns goes to them.

  • That 1% is going to become basically an enormous chunk

  • of national wealth.

  • It's going to go to increasingly fewer people.

  • Now, what we tend to do in those situations is we bust up the firms.

  • So go back to the 19th century.

  • Go back to the early 20th century.

  • Anti-trust.

  • Even in the '70s, Bell, telecoms, the whole lot.

  • When it gets too concentrated, when the returns are going

  • all one way, we tend to step in and actually break up the firms, redistribute the

  • property rights, whatever.

  • That's what you really need to do.

  • You need to democratize the returns to robots.

  • If you do that, then it's sustainable.

  • Because I wouldn't care if you replace me with a robot

  • if I got to go fishing instead.

  • Right?

  • That would be fine.

  • And There's still a lot of things-- forget the hype-- that robots simply

  • can't do.

  • What's the fastest growing job in the United States?

  • Elder care nurse.

  • Would you trust a robot to lift your nanna a bit?

  • Not going to happen, is it?

  • Not in a long time.

  • So there's still a lot of actual human contact

  • jobs which really can't be technologically disrupted.

  • But there's a hell of a lot that can be,

  • and they tend to be the people who are already

  • in that slice of the cake.

  • They're pissed off, both the left and right parties.

  • So you're raising exactly what the right issue-- why do we need to work?

  • So it's more than basic income.

  • It's actually about we can produce-- we can produce a super mega surplus for

  • the planet with 10% of the population working.

  • China can literally make everything that we need.

  • Why are we bothering?

  • Why does every country in the world need to make cars?

  • Why do we need to have so many different types,

  • if ultimately you're just going to have a few self-driving models that will take

  • you from here to there, and you can call

  • them up on your phone?

  • So this is way bigger than just those issues.

  • So they're exactly the right issues.

  • I don't have an answer, but that's definitely what the question needs to be-- why do

  • we need to work?

  • I ask myself that every morning.

  • Usually, when I've been out the night before.

  • "Why do I need to work?"

So I have a question on the technical disruption side.

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