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  • I want to argue to you that in fact, politics and religion,

    譯者: Gabrielle Wong 審譯者: Zhu Jie

  • which are the two primary factors --

    我想論證的是:其實,政治和宗教--

  • not the sole, but overwhelmingly, the primary factors --

    這兩個因素--

  • which are driving towards a war which looks extremely likely --

    雖非唯一,卻絕對是最主要的因素,

  • bordering on the inevitable at this point,

    把我們推向一個戰爭的邊緣,

  • whether one is in favor of that or not --

    可以說是到了一觸即發的地步,

  • that politics and religion are, in fact, themselves

    無論你喜歡這個說法與否,

  • better conceptualized as kinds of technology,

    政治和宗教本質上

  • and subject to kinds of questions that we regularly consider

    都可被理解為一種技術,

  • in the space of conceptual design.

    我們可以用設計概念

  • Here's what I mean. Politics and --

    去分析她們。

  • let's focus on the political system in particular question here,

    讓我解釋一下,

  • which is the system of democracy.

    先看政治制度的一種--

  • Democracy, as a type of politics, is a technology

    民主政治,

  • for the control and deployment of power.

    民主,作為一種政治制度,是一種

  • You can deploy power in a wide range of ways.

    用來控制和行使權力的技術,

  • The famous ones -- despotism is a good one;

    我們可以用多種不同的方法使用權力,

  • anarchy is a way to not deploy the power in any organized way,

    人所共知的有「獨裁統治」,

  • to do it in a radically diffused fashion;

    「無政府狀態」是一種權力運用缺乏組織、

  • and democracy is a set of technologies,

    散漫無章的狀態;

  • which have the effect of, in principle,

    而民主是一套科技,

  • diffusing the power source to a large number of people

    原則上她要達到的效果是:

  • and then re-concentrating it in a smaller group of people who govern,

    把權力來源分散到大眾,

  • and who themselves are, in principle, authorized to govern

    再重新集合到負責管治的少數人,

  • by virtue of what the broader public has done.

    而他們原則上是憑藉大眾所作的選擇,

  • Now, consider religion -- in this case Islam,

    而被授權去管治;

  • which is the religion that, in some direct sense,

    現在來看看宗教,我以回教作論,

  • can be said to be precipitating what we're about to enter.

    她可以說是一手造成

  • Let me say parenthetically why I think that's the case,

    我們將要面臨的處境的宗教。

  • because I think it's a potentially controversial statement.

    這可以是很有爭議性的說法,

  • I would put it in the following equation: no 9/11, no war.

    所以讓我順帶解釋一下,

  • At the beginning of the Bush administration,

    一言敝之:沒有9/11,就沒有戰爭;

  • when President Bush, now President Bush, was running for president,

    在布殊上台之初,

  • he made it very clear that he was not interested in intervening broadly in the world.

    當布殊總統還在競選的時候,

  • In fact, the trend was for disengagement with the rest of the world.

    他明確的表示他沒有興趣在世界舞台上大展拳腳;

  • That's why we heard about the backing away from the Kyoto protocol, for example.

    其實,當時的大勢是要撤離國際上的參與,

  • After 9/11, the tables were turned.

    我們在京都議定書問題上退下來就是一例,

  • And the president decided, with his advisors,

    9/11之後,形勢改變了,

  • to undertake some kind of an active intervention in the world around us.

    總統和他的幕僚決定,

  • That began with Afghanistan,

    在國際上要採取主動,

  • and when Afghanistan went extremely smoothly and quickly,

    行動由阿富汗開始,

  • a decision was made through the technology of democracy --

    當在阿富汗的任務進行得那麼順利快速,

  • again, notice, not a perfect technology --

    在民主的技術機制下--

  • but through the technology of democracy

    請留意,那不是完美的機制,

  • that this administration was going to push in the direction of another war --

    但是通過民主的技術機制--

  • this time, a war in Iraq.

    這個政府決定開始推展另一場戰爭,

  • Now, the reason I begin by saying "no 9/11, no war"

    這次戰場在伊拉克,

  • is that we have to acknowledge that Islam,

    我之所以說:沒有9/11,就沒有戰爭,

  • as interpreted by a very, very small, extremely radical group of people,

    是因為我們要認識到,

  • was a precipitating cause of the 9/11 attacks --

    回教在一群很少數、很極端的人演繹之下,

  • the precipitating cause of the 9/11 attacks --

    成為了9/11襲擊的決定性導因,

  • and as a consequence, at one degree of remove,

    她是9/11襲擊的決定性導因,

  • the precipitating cause of the coming war that we're about to be engaged in.

    隨著事情的發展,她亦是

  • And I would add that bin Laden and his followers

    我們將要面臨的戰爭的決定性導因,

  • are consciously devoted to the goal of creating a conflict between democracy,

    我要註明,拉登和他的追隨者,

  • or at least capitalist democracy, on the one hand,

    刻意製造和挑撥民主和伊斯蘭世界間的矛盾,

  • and the world of Islam as they see and define it.

    一面是資本主義民主,

  • Now, how is Islam a technology in this conceptual apparatus?

    一面是他們眼中的伊斯蘭世界。

  • Well, it's a technology for, first, salvation in its most basic sense.

    好了,回教在這個概念上又是那一門的技術呢?

  • It's meant to be a mechanism for construing the universe

    首先,她的根本性是救贖的機制,

  • in a way that will bring about the salvation of the individual believer,

    她的原意是演繹宇宙的一種方式,

  • but it's also meant by the Islamists --

    讓信徒從而獲得救贖,

  • and I use that term to mean people who believe that Islam --

    但對信奉回教的

  • they follow the slogan, Islam is the answer to a wide range of questions,

    伊斯蘭信徒來講,

  • whether they're social, or political, or personal, or spiritual.

    伊斯蘭能解答各種問題,

  • Within the sphere of people who have that view,

    無論是社會的、政治的、個人的或靈性的,

  • and it's a large number of people in the Muslim world

    這類信徒組成

  • who disagree with bin Laden in his application,

    穆斯林世界的大部分,

  • but agree that Islam is the answer.

    他們雖然不同意拉登的手法,

  • Islam represents a way of engaging the world

    卻同意在伊斯蘭能找到答案;

  • through which one can achieve certain desirable goals.

    伊斯蘭代表一種處世之道,

  • And the goals from the perspective of Muslims are, in principle,

    她能讓人達到一些高尚的目標,

  • peace, justice and equality,

    用回教徒的角度,

  • but on terms that correspond to traditional Muslim teachings.

    和平、公義和平等原則上都是他們所追求的,

  • Now, I don't want to leave a misimpression

    但是要根據傳統穆斯林教化而詮釋;

  • by identifying either of these propositions --

    好了,請不要誤會,

  • rather, either of these phenomena, democracy or Islam -- as technologies.

    我指出這兩個提議--

  • I don't want to suggest that they are a single thing that you can point to.

    應該說是這兩個現象:民主和伊斯蘭,都是技術,

  • And I think a good way to prove this

    並不表示她們是同一樣的實物,

  • is simply to demonstrate to you what my thought process was

    一個解釋的好方法,

  • when deciding what to put on the wall behind me when I spoke.

    就是讓你替我想想,我在演講時,

  • And I ran immediately into a conceptual problem:

    在後面的牆上應放些甚麼,

  • you can't show a picture of democracy.

    我立即遇到一個概念問題,

  • You can show a slogan, or a symbol, or a sign that stands for democracy.

    你不能用圖片表達民主,

  • You can show the Capitol --

    你可以展示口號,或者一個符號,或一個代表民主的標誌,

  • I had the same problem when I was designing the cover

    你可以展示美國國會大廈,

  • of my forthcoming book, in fact --

    當我設計我的新書封面時

  • what do you put on the cover to show democracy?

    已遇到同樣的問題,

  • And the same problem with respect to Islam.

    用甚麼圖像來表達民主呢?

  • You can show a mosque, or you can show worshippers,

    對伊斯蘭亦有同樣的問題,

  • but there's not a straightforward way of depicting Islam.

    你可以用清真寺,或朝拜者,

  • That's because these are the kinds of concepts

    但卻沒有一個直接描繪伊斯蘭的方法,

  • that are not susceptible to easy representation.

    因為這些是

  • Now, it follows from that, that they're deeply contestable.

    不容易表達的概念;

  • It follows from that that all of the people in the world

    亦因此,它們是深具爭議性的,

  • who say that they are Muslims can, in principle,

    亦因此,世界上所有

  • subscribe to a wide range of different interpretations

    自稱是回教徒的人,在原則上,

  • of what Islam really is, and the same is true of democracy.

    能信奉各種不同對伊斯蘭真義的演繹,

  • In other words, unlike the word hope,

    民主亦然,

  • which one could look up in a dictionary and derive origins for,

    換句話說,有別於那些辭--例如「希望」,

  • and, perhaps, reach some kind of a consensual use analysis,

    你能在字典上查到出處,

  • these are essentially contested concepts.

    或能找到某種公認的用法,

  • They're ideas about which people disagree in the deepest possible sense.

    這些名詞的概念本身就具爭議,

  • And as a consequence of this disagreement,

    是人們在最根本的意義上有不同看法的,

  • it's very, very difficult for anyone to say,

    由此,

  • "I have the right version of Islam."

    我們不可以說:

  • You know, post-9/11, we were treated to the amazing phenomenon

    「我對伊斯蘭的理解就是正確的版本。」

  • of George W. Bush saying, "Islam means peace."

    在9/11之後,我們親歷這個奇異的現象,

  • Well, so says George W. Bush.

    布殊說:「伊斯蘭即是和平。」

  • Other people would say it means something else.

    好吧,那是布殊的說法,

  • Some people would say that Islam means submission.

    其他人會說伊斯蘭是其他東西,

  • Other people would say it means an acknowledgement

    一些人會說伊斯蘭即是「順從」,

  • or recognition of God's sovereignty.

    其他人會說伊斯蘭是對神的管治

  • There are a wide range of different things that Islam can mean.

    的認同和理解,

  • And ostensibly, the same is true of democracy.

    伊斯蘭的可以有很多不同的演繹;

  • Some people say that democracy consists basically in elections.

    似乎民主也是一樣,

  • Other people say no, that's not enough,

    一些人說民主基本體現在選舉中,

  • there have to be basic liberal rights: free speech, free press, equality of citizens.

    其他人卻不認同,認為這個解說不全面,

  • These are contested points, and it's impossible to answer them by saying,

    民主還要有基本的自由權利:言論、出版的自由和人民的平等,

  • "Ah ha, I looked in the right place, and I found out what these concepts mean."

    這些是爭議點,我們不可以這樣回答:

  • Now, if Islam and democracy are at present

    「啊,我已經在適當的地方查過,並找出這些概念的意思。」

  • in a moment of great confrontation,

    如果,現在伊斯蘭和民主在這一刻,

  • what does that mean?

    來一個大對決,

  • Well, you could fit it into a range of different interpretative frameworks.

    那是甚麼意思?

  • You could begin with the one that we began with a couple of days ago,

    你可以用不同的框架去詮釋,

  • which was fear.

    其一是前兩天我們講過的,

  • Fear is not an implausible reaction with a war just around the corner

    那就是「恐懼」,

  • and with a very, very high likelihood that many, many people are going to die

    在戰爭一觸即發之際,「恐懼」並非不可理解的回應,

  • as a consequence of this confrontation --

    有很多人很可能因此送命,

  • a confrontation which many, many people

    由於這次對決--

  • in the Muslim world do not want,

    一個很多回教世界的人

  • many, many people in the American democracy do not want,

    不想見到的對決,

  • many people elsewhere in the world do not want,

    很多美式民主世界的人不想見到的對決,

  • but which nonetheless is favored by a large enough number of people --

    很多世界各地的人都不想見到的對決,

  • at least in the relevant space, which is the United States --

    但不論如何,卻有一班足夠多的人,

  • to actually go forward. So fear is not a crazy response at all.

    至少在關鍵的地方--美國--

  • And I think that that's, in fact, probably the first appropriate response.

    認為應該進行,所以「恐懼」並非不理性的反應,

  • What I want to suggest to you, though, in the next couple of minutes

    而我認為,那其實可能是第一個合理的反應,

  • is that there's also a hopeful response to this.

    但我想在以下的時間向你提出的是,

  • And the hopeful response derives from recognizing

    另一個回應是「希望」,

  • that Islam and democracy are technologies.

    「希望」源於我們認識到

  • And by virtue of being technologies, they're manipulable.

    伊斯蘭和民主都是一種技術機制,

  • And they're manipulable in ways

    既然她們是機制,即是可以受操控,

  • that can produce some extremely positive outcomes.

    在操控之下達致

  • What do I have in mind?

    一些極之正面的結果,

  • Well, all over the Muslim world there are people

    我的意思是甚麼呢?

  • who take Islam deeply seriously, people who care about Islam,

    在回教世界中,有些人

  • for whom it's a source either of faith, or of civilization, or of deep values,

    極之嚴肅的對待伊斯蘭,他們關心伊斯蘭,

  • or just a source of powerful personal identity,

    對他們來說,伊斯蘭可能是信念、是文明、是深層的價值,

  • who think and are saying loudly that Islam and democracy

    又或是強烈的個人身份認同,

  • are in fact not in conflict, but are in fact deeply compatible.

    他們認為伊斯蘭和民主其實並無衝突,

  • And these Muslims -- and it's the vast majority of Muslims --

    反而是深深的共融,他們並大力宣揚這個信念;

  • disagree profoundly with bin Laden's approach, profoundly.

    而這些回教徒--他們是大多數--

  • And they furthermore think overwhelmingly --

    徹底反對拉登的手法,

  • again one can't speak of every person, but overwhelmingly,

    他們絕大多數的呼聲--

  • and one can find this by reading any of the sources

    雖然我們不能代每一個人說話,但他們肯定是大多數--

  • that they have produced, and they're all over the Internet

    但我們在各資訊媒體找到他們的呼聲,

  • and in all sorts of languages -- one can see that they're saying

    在互聯網上很容易找到他們

  • that their concern in their own countries is primarily to free up themselves

    以各種語言,宣揚他們的聲音,

  • to have choice in the spheres of personal life,

    他們所關注的,是在各自國家怎樣解放自己,

  • in the sphere of economics, in the sphere of politics,

    在個人生活上、經濟上、政治上、

  • and, yes, in the sphere of religion,

    怎樣有所選擇,

  • which is itself closely regulated in most of the Muslim world.

    甚至是宗教上--

  • And many of these Muslims further say

    一個在穆斯林世界中嚴密控制的範疇--有所選擇;

  • that their disagreement with the United States

    很多這些回教徒進而認為,

  • is that it, in the past and still in the present,

    他們反對美國的,

  • has sided with autocratic rulers in the Muslim world

    在於美國在過去,甚至現在,

  • in order to promote America's short-term interests.

    都站在回教世界中的專制統治者一方,

  • Now, during the Cold War, that may have been

    只為了提升美國的短期利益;

  • a defensible position for the United States to take.

    在冷戰時期,那還可以說是

  • That's an academic question.

    美國自我防衛的一種取態,

  • It may be that there was a great war to be fought between West and East,

    那可以是一個學術討論,

  • and it was necessary on the axis of democracy against communism.

    可能在東西方的大角力中,

  • And it was necessary in some way for these to contradict each other,

    必須建立民主軸心同盟以對抗社會主義,

  • and as a consequence you have to make friends wherever you can get them.

    有必要讓這兩種東西在某方面互相對立,

  • But now that the Cold War is over,

    於是,誰跟你做朋友,你也只好接受了,

  • there's nearly universal consensus in the Muslim world --

    但現在冷戰已經結束,

  • and pretty close to the same here in the United States,

    在回教世界裏,差不多所有人都有共識,

  • if you talk to people and ask them --

    而在美國也是一樣,

  • that in principle, there's no reason that democracy and Islam cannot co-exist.

    如果你問他們,

  • And we see this among activist, practical Muslims,

    原則上,民主和伊斯蘭沒有理由不能共存,

  • like the Muslims who are presently the elected,

    我們可見這些活躍的、實事求是的回教徒,

  • parliamentary, democratic government of Turkey,

    例如土耳其的穆斯林,

  • who are behaving pragmatically, not ideologically,

    他們的國家都有民選的國會和民主政府,

  • who are promoting their own religious values,

    他們作風務實,不流於理想主義,

  • who are elected by their own people

    他們推廣自己的宗教價值,

  • because they were perceived as honest and sincere

    他們憑著自己的誠實和誠懇,

  • because of their religious values,

    憑著他們的宗教價值,

  • but who do not think that Islam and a democratic system of governance

    由自己的人民選出來,

  • are fundamentally incompatible.

    他們並不認為伊斯蘭和民主政制

  • Now, you may say, but surely, what we've seen on television about Saudi Islam

    有著根本的矛盾,

  • convinces us that it can't possibly be compatible

    你或會說,我們在電視上見到沙地的回教徒,

  • with what we consider the core of democracy --

    明顯告訴我們,他們的價值

  • namely, free political choice, basic liberty and basic equality.

    和我們認同的民主核心價值沒有可能共容,

  • But I'm here to tell you that technologies

    包括政治上的自由選擇、基本自由和平等,

  • are more malleable than that.

    但我在這裏告訴你,

  • I'm here to tell you that many, many Muslims believe --

    技術機制的延展性是很高的,

  • the vast majority, in fact -- in fact I think I would go so far as to say

    我想告訴你,很多很多回教徒--

  • that many Muslims in Saudi Arabia believe that the core values of Islam,

    可以說是絕大多數的回教徒,我甚至敢說

  • namely acknowledgement of God's sovereignty

    很多沙地阿拉伯的回教徒--

  • and basic human equality before God,

    都相信伊斯蘭的核心價值--包括承認神的管治,

  • are themselves compatible with liberty, equality and free political choice.

    和神面前人們基本平等,

  • And there are Muslims, many Muslims out there, who are saying precisely this.

    本身與自由、平等和自由政治選擇是同出一轍的,

  • And they're making this argument wherever they're permitted to make it.

    很多回教徒都是這樣說,

  • But their governments, needless to say, are relatively threatened by this.

    他們把握每一個機會,提出這個論調,

  • And for the most part try to stop them from making this argument.

    但他們的政府當然感到一定的威脅,

  • So, for example, a group of young activists in Egypt

    而盡量阻止他們宣揚這個論調,

  • try to form a party known as the Center Party,

    例如,在埃及,一群年青的活躍份子,

  • which advocated the compatibility of Islam and democracy.

    打算組成一個叫「中心黨」的政黨,

  • They weren't even allowed to form a party.

    鼓催伊斯蘭和民主的共容,

  • They were actually blocked from even forming a party

    他們連組成政黨都不被批准,

  • under the political system there. Why?

    根據當地的政治制度,

  • Because they would have done extraordinarily well.

    他們根本是被禁止組黨,為甚麼呢?

  • In the most recent elections in the Muslim world --

    因為若果他們成功,一定會得到很多支持,

  • which are those in Pakistan, those in Morocco

    在穆斯林世界中,近期的選舉,包括

  • and those in Turkey -- in each case,

    在巴基斯坦、摩洛哥和土耳其,

  • people who present themselves to the electorate as Islamic democrats

    每一次,

  • were far and away the most successful vote-getters

    那些走伊斯蘭民主派路線的候選人,

  • every place they were allowed to run freely.

    在每一處他們能自由参選的地方,

  • So in Morocco, for example, they finished third in the political race

    都吸去了大量的選票,遠遠拋離對手,

  • but they were only allowed to contest half the seats.

    例如在摩洛哥,雖然他們只能競逐一半的議席,

  • So had they contested a larger number of the seats,

    卻能在選舉中排名第三,

  • they would have done even better.

    如果他們能夠染指更多的議席,

  • Now what I want to suggest to you is that the reason for hope in this case

    他們肯定能做得更好,

  • is that we are on the edge of a real transformation in the Muslim world.

    我現在想說的是有希望的原因,

  • And that's a transformation in which many sincerely believing Muslims --

    是我們快見到回教世界的真正轉變,

  • who care very, very deeply about their traditions,

    在當中,很多虔誠的回教徒,

  • who do not want to compromise those values --

    他們十分關心自己的傳統,

  • believe, through the malleability of the technology of democracy

    他們不想在傳統價值上退讓,

  • and the malleability and synthetic capability of the technology of Islam,

    他們相信,通過民主這個技術機制的可塑性,

  • that these two ideas can work together.

    和伊斯蘭這個技術機制的可塑性和整合性,

  • Now what would that look like?

    兩個概念能互相配合,

  • What does it mean to say that there's an Islamic democracy?

    那會是怎樣的呢?

  • Well, one thing is, it's not going to look identical

    伊斯蘭的民主會是意味些甚麼呢?

  • to democracy as we know it in the United States.

    有一點可以肯定的,是那會和美國的民主

  • That may be a good thing, in light of some of the criticisms we've heard today --

    很不一樣,

  • for example, in the regulatory context -- of what democracy produces.

    那可能是好事,尤其眼見當今我們的民主制度,

  • It will also not look exactly the way either the people in this room,

    帶來很多受到眾多批評的結果,

  • or Muslims out in the rest of the world --

    那也不會跟在座各位、

  • I don't mean to imply there aren't Muslims here, there probably are --

    或外面世界的回教徒--

  • conceptualize Islam.

    我無意暗示在座沒有回教徒,其實很可能是有的--

  • It will be transformative of Islam as well.

    所想像的很不一樣,

  • And as a result of this convergence,

    她亦會把伊斯蘭改變,

  • this synthetic attempt to make sense of these two ideas together,

    在融合之下,

  • there's a real possibility that, instead of a clash

    在兩個概念拼組之下,

  • of Islamic civilization -- if there is such a thing --

    結果很可能不是一場

  • and democratic civilization -- if there is such a thing --

    伊斯蘭文明和民主文明的衝突--

  • we'll in fact have close compatibility.

    如果有這些東西存在的話

  • Now, I began with the war because it's the elephant in the room,

    反而會是很親密的共存,

  • and you can't pretend that there isn't about to be a war

    我開始時談到戰爭,因為那是一個我們不能迴避的問題,

  • if you're talking about these issues.

    我們不能假裝我們探討這些議題,

  • The war has tremendous risks for the model that I'm describing

    而能與戰爭無關,

  • because it's very possible that as a consequence of a war,

    在我解釋的模式中,戰爭帶出極大的危機,

  • many Muslims will conclude that the United States

    因為很可能因為這場戰爭,

  • is not the kind of place that they want to emulate

    很多回教徒會認為,

  • with respect to its forms of political government.

    美國並不是他們在政治體制上

  • On the other hand, there's a further possibility that many Americans,

    想學習的地方,

  • swept up in the fever of a war, will say, and feel, and think

    另一方面,有更大的可能,很多美國人

  • that Islam is the enemy somehow --

    在戰爭的狂潮中,會說、會感到、會想:

  • that Islam ought to be construed as the enemy.

    伊斯蘭是敵人,

  • And even though, for political tactical reasons,

    伊斯蘭應該被定性為敵人,

  • the president has been very, very good about saying that Islam is not the enemy,

    雖然,由於政治策略之故,

  • nonetheless, there's a natural impulse when one enters war

    我們的總統很刻意地強調伊斯蘭不是敵人,

  • to think of the other side as an enemy.

    無論如何,當我們進入戰爭,自然有衝動

  • And one furthermore has the impulse to generalize, as much as possible,

    去想對方是敵人,

  • in defining who that enemy is.

    並有衝動去把敵人的定義,

  • So the risks are very great.

    儘量的延伸開去,

  • On the other hand, the capacities for positive results in the aftermath of a war

    所以那危機是很大的;

  • are also not to be underestimated,

    另一方面,戰後可能帶來的良好後果,

  • even by, and I would say especially by, people

    也是不應被低估的,

  • who are deeply skeptical about whether we should go to war in the first place.

    尤其不應被那些

  • Those who oppose the war ought to realize that if a war happens,

    開始時對開戰很有保留的人所低估,

  • it cannot be the right strategy,

    那些反戰的人應該明白,戰爭既然已成事實,

  • either pragmatically, or spiritually, or morally, to say after the war,

    當戰爭過後,

  • "Well, let's let it all run itself out, and play out however it wants to play out,

    在實際上、宗教上、道德上,都不能這樣說:

  • because we opposed the war in the first place."

    「好了,讓我們放手讓她自生自滅,想這樣就怎樣,

  • That's not the way human circumstances operate.

    因為開始時我們都說不好開戰的。」

  • You face the circumstances you have in front of you

    那不是人類社會的公理,

  • and you go forward.

    你應面對眼前的處境,

  • Well, what I'm here to say then is,

    然後向前走,

  • for people who are skeptical about the war,

    好了,我在這裏想說的是,

  • it's especially important to recognize that in the aftermath of the war

    對那些對戰爭有所懷疑的人,

  • there is a possibility for the government of the United States

    特別要留意在戰後,

  • and the Muslim peoples with whom it interacts

    美國政府有可能

  • to create real forms of government that are truly democratic

    和那些和他們交往的回教徒,

  • and also truly Islamic.

    會創造一種真正民主、真正伊斯蘭

  • And it is crucial -- it is crucial in a practical, activist way --

    的政府模式,

  • for people who care about these issues to make sure

    而很決定性的是,無論在實際上、主動上,

  • that within the technology of democracy, in this system,

    那些關心這事的人,

  • they exercise their preferences, their choices and their voices

    努力的保證,在這個體制的民主機制中,

  • to encourage that outcome.

    他們行使他們的喜好、選擇和聲音,

  • That's a hopeful message,

    去促進那發展成果,

  • but it's a message that's hopeful only if you understand it

    那是一個充滿希望的信息,

  • as incurring serious obligation for all of us.

    但那需要你明白,我們所有人都分擔著很重大的任務,

  • And I think that we are capable of taking on that obligation,

    才能感到的希望;

  • but only if we put what we can into it.

    而我想我們有能力擔起這個任務,

  • And if we do, then I don't think that the hope will be unwarranted altogether.

    但我們一定要盡己所能,

  • Thanks.

    若果我們能做到,那希望便很有機會達到。

I want to argue to you that in fact, politics and religion,

譯者: Gabrielle Wong 審譯者: Zhu Jie

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B1 US TED 伊斯蘭 民主 戰爭 機制 政治

TED】Noah Feldman:政治和宗教是技術(諾亞-費爾德曼:政治和宗教是技術)。 (【TED】Noah Feldman: Politics and religion are technologies (Noah Feldman: Politics and religion are technologies))

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    Zenn posted on 2021/01/14
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