to film the olive harvest in a Palestinian village in the West Bank.

十二年前，我第一次提起了相機

I thought I was there to make a single documentary

拍攝了巴勒斯坦村莊西岸的橄欖收穫

and would then move on to some other part of the world.

我以爲拍攝一則紀錄片后

But something kept bringing me back.

會繼續往世界別處前進

Now, usually, when international audiences hear about that part of the world,

但某樣東西一直吸引我返回

they often just want that conflict to go away.

現在，當國際觀衆聽見關於這地區的事情時

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is bad, and we wish it could just disappear.

他們只想要衝突雲消霧散

We feel much the same way about other conflicts around the world.

以色列 - 巴勒斯坦的衝突固然可怕 而我們希望它能消失

But every time we turn our attention to the news,

我們對世上其他的衝突 也抱著相同的感觸

it seems like one more country has gone up in flames.

但是每當我們關注新聞時

So I've been wondering

似乎又多了一個烽火四起的國家

whether we should not start looking at conflict in a different way --

我一直在想

whether instead of simply wishing to end conflict,

我們是否應該以不同角度看待衝突

we focus instead on how to wage conflict.

是否應該純粹希望結束衝突

This has been a big question for me,

抑或是該把焦點設在如何發動衝突

one I've pursued together with my team at the nonprofit Just Vision.

我一直在摸索這問題

After witnessing several different kinds of struggles in the Middle East,

是我與我的非營利組織 [Just Vision] 團隊琢磨的問題

I started noticing some patterns on the more successful ones.

目睹了中東的各形掙扎后

I wondered whether these variables held across cases, and if they did,

我開始注意比較成功例子 之中的一些趨型

what lessons we could glean for waging constructive conflict,

想了解這些變數能否在不同案件適用 若可以的話

in Palestine, Israel and elsewhere.

我們又能從發動建設性衝突 學會什麽

There is some science about this.

在巴勒斯坦、 以色列以及其他地方

In a study of 323 major political conflicts

這是有科學根據的

from 1900 to 2006,

研究了從 1900 至 2006 年的 323 宗

Maria Stephan and Erica Chenoweth found that nonviolent campaigns

大規模政治衝突后

were almost 100 percent more likely to lead to success than violent campaigns.

瑪麗亞 史特凡 與艾麗卡·切諾維思 發現了非暴力行動

Nonviolent campaigns are also less likely to cause physical harm

比起暴力行動的成功率幾乎高達 100 倍

to those waging the campaign,

非暴力行動造成傷亡的幾率也比較低

as well as their opponents.

不僅是對於發起行動的一派

And, critically, they typically lead to more peaceful and democratic societies.

還包括他們的對手

In other words, nonviolent resistance is a more effective and constructive way

關鍵是它們一般會產生 更和平與民主的社會

of waging conflict.

換句話說，非暴力抵抗能更積極有效地

But if that's such an easy choice, why don't more groups use it?

發動衝突

Political scientist Victor Asal and colleagues

那麽簡單的選擇，爲什麽更多的組織不運用？

have looked at several factors

政治學家維克托 阿薩爾與他的同事

that shape a political group's choice of tactics.

探討了幾個塑造政治團體

And it turns out that the greatest predictor

選擇策略的因素

of a movement's decision to adopt nonviolence or violence

結果顯示一個行動會採取非暴力

is not whether that group is more left-wing or right-wing,

或者暴力方式最準確的預測

not whether the group is more or less influenced by religious beliefs,

不是該組織傾向左翼或是右翼

not whether it's up against a democracy or a dictatorship,

不是該組織較多或是較少被宗教影響

and not even the levels of repression that that group is facing.

不是對抗著民主或是獨裁體系

The greatest predictor of a movement's decision to adopt nonviolence

甚至連該組織面對鎮壓的程度也不是

is its ideology regarding the role of women in public life.

一個行動選擇採取非暴力方式 最準確的預測

(Applause)

是它對於女性在公共生活 所扮演的角色的觀念

When a movement includes in its discourse

（掌聲）

language around gender equality,

當一個行動的論述中

it increases dramatically the chances it will adopt nonviolence,

包含了兩性平等的論題

and thus, the likelihood it will succeed.

採取非暴力的幾率將大幅提升

The research squared up with my own documentation

於是成功率也隨之增加

of political organizing in Israel and Palestine.

這項研究與我在以色列和巴勒斯坦

I've noticed that movements which welcome women into leadership positions,

的政治組織過程記錄一致

such as the one I documented in a village called Budrus,

我發現了接納女性擔當領導者 角色的行動

were much more likely to achieve their goals.

像我記錄了一個名叫布德魯斯的村莊

This village was under a real threat of being wiped off the map

實現目標的成功率更大

when Israel started building the separation barrier.

這個村莊面臨著被抹去的實際威脅

The proposed route would require

當以色列開始建造間隔障壁時

the destruction of this community's olive groves, their cemeteries

所建議的路綫必須

and would ultimately enclose the village from all sides.

摧毀社區的橄欖園與墳墓

Through inspired local leadership,

最終也得從四面八方封鎖這部村莊

they launched a nonviolent resistance campaign to stop that from happening.

通過當地的積極領導

The odds were massively stacked against them.

他們發動了非暴力抵抗而阻止了 事情的演化

But they had a secret weapon:

成敗幾率對他們非常不利

a 15-year-old girl

但他們有著秘密武器

who courageously jumped in front of a bulldozer

一名 15 嵗的女孩

which was about to uproot an olive tree, stopping it.

她英勇地跳到推土機前

In that moment, the community of Budrus realized what was possible

阻止它拔除一顆橄欖樹

if they welcomed and encouraged women to participate in public life.

一殺那間，整個布德魯斯社區意識了

And so it was that the women of Budrus went to the front lines day after day,

鼓勵及歡迎女性參與公共生活的好處

using their creativity and acumen to overcome multiple obstacles they faced

布德魯斯女性們日復一日地到前綫去

in a 10-month unarmed struggle.

利用她們的創造力與敏銳觸覺征服了

And as you can probably tell at this point,

10 個月非暴力奮鬥的各種障礙

they win at the end.

這時候你能預料

The separation barrier was changed completely

他們最終成功了

to the internationally recognized green line,

間隔障壁完全被改變了

and the women of Budrus came to be known across the West Bank

變成國際公認的綠綫

for their indomitable energy.

布德魯斯女性在西岸因爲

(Applause)

不屈不撓的力量而成名

Thank you.

（掌聲）

I want to pause for a second, which you helped me do,

謝謝

because I do want to tackle two very serious misunderstandings

我想暫停一下 你也協助了我

that could happen at this point.

因爲我想處理現在可能發生

The first one is that I don't believe

兩個非常嚴重的誤會

women are inherently or essentially more peaceful than men.

第一是我不相信

But I do believe that in today's world,

女性比起男性天生本質更愛和平

women experience power differently.

但是我相信在當今世界裏

Having had to navigate being in the less powerful position

女性以不同方式體驗力量

in multiple aspects of their lives,

在她們生活中多方面需要

women are often more adept

以較小的勢力存活著

at how to surreptitiously pressure for change

女性往往更擅長

against large, powerful actors.

在面對強大的主動者時

The term "manipulative," often charged against women in a derogatory way,

不聲不響地取得改變

reflects a reality in which women have often had to find ways

"操縱欲“ 這含有貶義的詞語 常被用於形容女性

other than direct confrontation to achieve their goals.

反映了現實中女性爲了達到目標

And finding alternatives to direct confrontation

而需要尋找直接對抗以外的方法

is at the core of nonviolent resistance.

尋找直接對抗以外的方法

Now to the second potential misunderstanding.

正是非暴力抵抗的核心

I've been talking a lot about my experiences in the Middle East,

來談談第二個誤會的可能性

and some of you might be thinking now

我談了很多關於本身在中東的經驗

that the solution then is for us to educate Muslim and Arab societies

你們之中可能有人在想著

to be more inclusive of their women.

解決問題的方法在於教育 穆斯林以及阿拉伯社群

If we were to do that, they would be more successful.

讓他們的女性更活躍

They do not need this kind of help.

若能實現，他們則會更成功

Women have been part of the most influential movements

他們不需要這樣的協助

coming out of the Middle East,

女性一直在中東富有影響力

but they tend to be invisible to the international community.

的行動中廁身其間

Our cameras are largely focused on the men

但在國際社群中她們往往匿跡隱形

who often end up involved in the more confrontational scenes

我們把相機焦點投向男性

that we find so irresistible in our news cycle.

他們最終常涉及于帶有衝擊的畫面

And we end up with a narrative that not only erases women

我們的新聞媒體無法抵抗的畫面

from the struggles in the region

結果得到不光是在地域掙扎中

but often misrepresents the struggles themselves.

刪掉女性的敍述

In the late 1980s, an uprising started in Gaza,

還有常常誤傳掙扎本身的敍述

and quickly spread to the West Bank and East Jerusalem.

1980 年代後期加沙起義

It came to be known as the First Intifada,

很快向著西岸與東耶路撒冷蔓延

and people who have any visual memory of it

從此被視爲第一個暴動

generally conjure up something like this:

對此事擁有視覺回憶的人

Palestinian men throwing rocks at Israeli tanks.

大致上會聯想起這樣的畫面

The news coverage at the time

巴勒斯坦男性向著以色列戰車抛石頭

made it seem like stones, Molotov cocktails and burning tires

當時的新聞報道

were the only activities taking place in the Intifada.

呈現了石頭、燃燒彈以及燒焦輪胎

This period, though, was also marked by widespread nonviolent organizing

仿佛是暴動中唯一進行著的活動

in the forms of strikes, sit-ins and the creation of parallel institutions.

這期間也見證了廣泛的非暴力組織

During the First Intifada,

以抗議、靜坐示威以及創辦 並聯機構的形式呈現

whole sectors of the Palestinian civilian population mobilized,

第一次巴勒斯坦大起義時

cutting across generations, factions and class lines.

大部分巴勒斯坦平民人口出動了

They did this through networks of popular committees,

跨越了世代、派別以及社會階級

and their use of direct action and communal self-help projects

他們通過大衆的委員會網路

challenged Israel's very ability

以及直接行動和社群的自助籌劃

to continue ruling the West Bank and Gaza.

挑戰了以色列繼續

According to the Israeli Army itself,

統治西岸與加沙的資格

97 percent of activities during the First Intifada were unarmed.

根據以色列軍隊所說

And here's another thing that is not part of our narrative about that time.

第一次大起義中 97 八仙的運動是未武裝的

For 18 months in the Intifada,

有另外一件事是敍述中未被提及

women were the ones calling the shots behind the scenes:

第一次大起義的 18 個月裏

Palestinian women from all walks of life

幕後下命令的是女性

in charge of mobilizing hundreds of thousands of people

各行各業的巴勒斯坦女性

in a concerted effort to withdraw consent from the occupation.

負責發動上百上千的人

Naela Ayesh, who strived to build a self-sufficient Palestinian economy

以共同的努力反對被佔領

by encouraging women in Gaza to grow vegetables in their backyards,

娜爾拉 阿雅斯努力建造一個 自給自足的巴勒斯坦經濟

an activity deemed illegal by the Israeli authorities at that time;

她鼓勵加沙的女性們在後院種植蔬菜

Rabeha Diab, who took over decision-making authority

是當時以色列權威者視爲非法的舉動

for the entire uprising

拉貝哈 迪雅接任了整個起義

when the men who had been running it

的決策權力

were deported;

當時職權的男性

Fatima Al Jaafari, who swallowed leaflets containing the uprising's directives

都被驅逐出境了

in order to spread them across the territories

法蒂瑪 阿爾 賈法麗吞下了包含起義指令的傳單

without getting caught;

爲了不被逮捕的情況下

and Zahira Kamal,

讓它在各地區傳播

who ensured the longevity of the uprising

還有 薩希拉 卡馬爾

by leading an organization

保障了起義的壽命

that went from 25 women to 3,000 in a single year.

她帶領了在一年内

Despite their extraordinary achievements,

從 25位 增加至 3000 位女性成員的機構

none of these women have made it into our narrative of the First Intifada.

任憑她們有著多為大的功績

We do this in other parts of the globe, too.

她們沒有被包括在第一次巴勒斯坦大起義的敍述内

In our history books, for instance, and in our collective consciousness,

我們在世界其他地區也做著相同的事

men are the public faces and spokespersons

例如在歷史課本以及集體意識裏

for the 1960s struggle for racial justice in the United States.

男性是公衆人物和發言人

But women were also a critical driving force,

1960 年代美國為種族公平的掙扎

mobilizing, organizing, taking to the streets.

女性當時也擔任著重要的角色

How many of us think of Septima Clark

發動、組織、上街示威

when we think of the United States Civil Rights era?

誰會想起賽普蒂默 克拉克

Remarkably few.

當我們想起美國的民權運動時

But she played a crucial role in every phase of the struggle,

很少人會想起

particularly by emphasizing literacy and education.

她在鬥爭的每個階段都擔任著關鍵的角色

She's been omitted, ignored,

尤其著重于掃除文盲以及教育

like so many other women who played critical roles

她被刪去以及忽略

in the United States Civil Rights Movement.

像許多在美國的民權運動時期

This is not about getting credit.

擔任關鍵角色的女性一樣

It's more profound than that.

這不是在討功勞

The stories we tell matter deeply to how we see ourselves,

這更爲鄭重

and to how we believe movements are run

我們的敍述深深影響我們如何看待自己

and how movements are won.

我們如何看待行動的運作

The stories we tell about a movement like the First Intifada

如何看待行動的成敗

or the United States Civil Rights era

我們對於像第一次巴勒斯坦大起義的敍述

matter deeply and have a critical influence

或者美國的民權運動時期

in the choices Palestinians,

非常重要和具有影響力

Americans

尤其是對於巴勒斯坦人

and people around the world will make

美國人

next time they encounter an injustice

地球上的人

and develop the courage to confront it.

遇到不公正時採取的行動

If we do not lift up the women who played critical roles in these struggles,

影響人們鼓起勇氣面對不公正

we fail to offer up role models to future generations.

若我們不頌揚奮鬥中持著關鍵角色的女性

Without role models, it becomes harder

我們沒有為後代設下模範

for women to take up their rightful space

沒有模範的女性

in public life.

更難在公共生活

And as we saw earlier,

堅定地立足

one of the most critical variables

我們之前看見了

in determining whether a movement will be successful or not

其中最關鍵的變數

is a movement's ideology regarding the role of women

來測定一個行動的成敗

in public life.

在於它對於女性在公共生活所扮演的角色

This is a question of whether we're moving

的觀念

towards more democratic and peaceful societies.

這是有關我們是否走向

In a world where so much change is happening,

更民主以及和平的社會的問題

and where change is bound to continue at an increasingly faster pace,

在一個千變萬化的世界裏

it is not a question of whether we will face conflict,

在越來越瞬息萬變的世界裏

but rather a question

這不是我們會否面對衝突的問題

of which stories will shape

這問題是

how we choose to wage conflict.

哪一種敍述將塑造

Thank you.

我們選擇發動衝突的方式

(Applause)

謝謝