It's messy, it's complicated,

我和許多人一樣， 對民主過程感到很挫折。

it's often inefficient.

它很混亂，它很複雜，

Our political leaders feel disconnected

它通常很沒效率。

from the concerns of ordinary people.

我們的政治領袖似乎和一般人

Many feel that voting every few years

所關心的事物沒有連結。

for leaders disconnected from their daily challenges

許多人覺得，每幾年投一次票，

is pointless.

選出與其日常生活困難 沒有連結的領袖，

But before we reject democracy,

是無意義的。

let's imagine what it could be.

但在我們抵制民主之前，

And I believe that African activists are redefining democracy

咱們來試想，它能是怎樣的。

by putting protest at its center,

我相信非洲的激進分子 正在重新定義民主，

what I refer to as "protest democracy."

他們把抗議放在民主的中心位置，

International organizations and academic experts

我稱之為「抗議民主」。

define democracy as regular, multiparty electoral competition.

國際組織以及學術專家

But democracy should not only be about elites competing at the ballot box.

把民主定義為定期的多黨選舉競爭。

For it to have meaning,

但民主的重點不該 只是菁英在競爭選票。

it's something we must engage in every day.

若要讓它有意義，

When I say "protest democracy,"

我們每天都要與其有所連結。

I'm challenging how we think about democratic action.

當我說「抗議民主」，

Viewing democracy as only elections is no longer adequate

我是在挑戰我們對於 民主行動的想法。

and threatens democracy itself.

只將民主視為選舉，已經不再適當，

So we must protest democracy to give it a renewed meaning.

且會對民主本身造成威脅。

What would this look like?

所以我們必須要抗議民主， 來將之重新定義。

We need to turn to African societies,

這看起來會是什麼樣子？

where ordinary people are increasingly taking to the streets

我們得要轉向非洲社會，

to transform their lives.

在那裡，一般人越來越常走上街頭，

African social movements have often been at the forefront

去轉變他們的人生。

of conceptualizing democracy in this way.

非洲社會運動通常都 處在以這種方式

This may come as a surprise to those of who think

將民主給概念化的最前線。

that the only way Africans engage in politics

有些人可能會感到驚訝，

is through the barrel of the gun.

那些人認為非洲人只有透過槍管

But increasingly, young people are taking to the streets

才能參與政治。

and abandoning organized violence

但有越來越多年輕人走上街頭，

in favor of more effective nonviolent action.

放棄組織暴力，

I've spent much of the past two decades talking to African activists,

支持更有效益的非暴力行動。

both violent and nonviolent.

過去二十年，我大部分的時間 都在和非洲激進分子交談，

Across Africa, young people are rising up

包括暴力派和非暴力派。

to challenge almost every type of regime known to humanity.

在整個非洲，年輕人開始站起來，

This is my friend Thiat.

挑戰幾乎人類所知道的每一種政體。

He's a rapper from Senegal.

這是我的朋友西亞特。

He led a large movement in Senegal

他是塞內加爾的饒舌歌手。

that was successful in preventing the president from stealing a third term.

他在塞內加爾領導了

From Morocco to Lesotho,

一個大型運動，成功預防 總統偷取第三次任期。

young people are rising up against entrenched monarchies:

從摩洛哥到賴索托，

in Egypt and Sudan,

年輕人起義，對抗 根深蒂固的君主政體：

against brutal dictatorships;

在埃及和蘇丹，

in Uganda and Ethiopia,

對抗殘酷的獨裁政府；

against powerful militarized states

在烏干達和衣索比亞，

with quasi-democratic veneers;

對抗披著民主外表的

in South Africa, where this image was taken,

強大軍國主義國家；

and Burundi,

在南非，也就是 拍攝這張照片的地方，

against democratically elected leaders

以及蒲隆地，

who have done little to improve the conditions for ordinary people.

對抗由民主選出來的領袖，

Across the continent, protest is not exceptional,

因為他們幾乎沒有去 改善平民的生活條件。

but a normal part of life.

在世界各地，抗議並非不尋常，

Africans use protests to challenge both dictators

它成了正常生活的一部分。

as well as power cuts.

非洲人用抗議來挑戰獨裁者

In a way, Africans are protesting democracy itself,

以及斷電的狀況。

enriching its possibilities for us all.

在某種意義上，非洲人 是在抗議民主本身，

There have been two major waves of African protest,

為我們所有人增加民主的可能性。

and we are currently living through the third,

已經有過兩波非洲抗議的大風波，

which began around 2005.

我們現在正在經歷第三波，

It includes the so-called Arab Spring,

這一波約始於 2005 年。

which took place mostly on the continent.

它包括了所謂的阿拉伯之春，

The first wave took place in the 1940s and 1950s

其主要發生地點是在非洲大陸。

and led to Africa's decolonization.

第一波發生在四○及五○年代，

Kwame Nkrumah led a broad coalition in Ghana

導致了非洲的非殖民地化。

that overthrew British rule,

夸梅恩克魯瑪在迦納 領導了一個廣大的聯盟，

providing a template for nonviolent movements globally.

推翻了英國的統治，

The second wave took place in the 1980s and 1990s

為全世界提供了一個 非暴力運動的範本。

against austerity measures that imposed harsh conditions

第二波發生在八○和九○年代，

on African economies.

對抗財政緊縮措施， 因其帶給非洲經濟

These protests led to the overthrow of autocratic regimes

惡劣的條件。

and led to the introduction

這些抗議導致獨裁政體被推翻，

of multiparty elections across the continent.

也導致在非洲各地

The ongoing third wave is correcting the shortcomings of the earlier two.

開始推行多黨選舉。

If the first wave brought liberation but not democracy,

正在發生的第三波，目的 是在修正前兩波的缺點。

and the second, elections but only for the elites,

若第一波帶來了自由，但沒有民主，

then it is the third wave

而第二波帶來了選舉，但僅限菁英，

that is most concerned with transforming democracy

那麼，第三波

into the rule of the people.

主要目的就是要把民主給轉換

It includes movements like Y'en a Marre in Senegal,

成為人民的統治。

Le Balai Citoyen in Burkina Faso,

這一波的運動包括塞內加爾的 Y'en a Marre（團體名）、

Tajamuka in Zimbabwe,

布基那法索的 Le Balai Citoyen、

LUCHA and Filimbi in the Democratic Republic of Congo,

辛巴威的 Tajamuka、

movements that work outside of more conventional nongovernmental organizations

剛果民主共和國的 LUCHA 和 Filimbi，

and political parties

這些運動的運作，都已經 超出了常見的非政府組織

to challenge the economic and political system itself,

以及政黨，

often at great risk.

去挑戰經濟和政治體制本身，

Brilliant young activists like LUCHA's Fred Bauma

通常風險都很大。

have been detained and tortured,

傑出的年輕激進分子， 像 LUCHA 的佛雷德巴烏瑪，

often with little to no outcry from the international community.

遭到拘留和刑求，

The list goes on, as you can see from some of the data we collected.

卻幾乎沒有來自國際社會的抗議聲。

There have been large popular protests

清單還很長，從我們所收集的 一些資料中可以看出。

in over 40 African countries since 2005,

自從 2005 年起，在至少四十個

and if you look, you'll recognize that in 2011,

非洲國家都有大型的群眾抗議，

the year of the so-called Arab Spring,

從圖中可以看出，在 2011 年，

was actually the spike of this broader wave.

所謂阿拉伯之春的那一年，

Contrary to popular belief,

正是這更廣的一波抗議的高峰。

many of these protests have been successful.

和大家所相信的相反，

We know of the dictators falling in Tunisia and in Egypt,

這些抗議當中有許多是成功的。

but popular movements have prevented presidents from stealing third terms

我們知道在突尼西亞 和埃及有獨裁者垮台，

in Senegal, in Malawi and Burkina Faso as well.

但群眾運動已經預防了 總統偷取第三次任期，

What's driving this upsurge of protest?

在塞內加爾、馬拉威、 布基那法索都可以看見。

Demographically, Africa is both the youngest

這波抗議高潮背後的動因是什麼？

and the fastest-growing continent,

人口統計上來說，非洲是最年輕

with the largest age gap between the people and their rulers.

且成長最快速的大陸，

It is urbanizing at a tremendous pace.

人民和統治者之間的年齡差異最大。

Economically, African countries have been growing for over a decade now,

其都市化的速度快得驚人。

largely driven by investments from Asia.

經濟上，非洲國家 現在已經成長了十年，

But little of this wealth is trickling down.

主要是由亞洲的投資所驅動的。

Formal jobs in the industrial sector are actually decreasing,

但這財富很少滴下 （註：經濟上的滴入論）。

with informal labor the only option left for people to eke out a living.

在工業部門的正式工作 其實正在減少，

As a result, inequality is skyrocketing,

人民若要勉強維生，只剩下 一個選擇：非正式的工作。

and political leaders are increasingly disconnected

因此，不平等突然快速高漲，

from their much younger populations.

政治領袖與年輕人口

For those of us from outside of Africa,

越來越沒有連結。

we're familiar with parts of this story:

至於我們這些來自非洲之外的人，

a massive spike in inequality,

我們熟知這個故事的一些部分：

the product of a decline in good jobs for good wages

不平等的高峰、

that were once considered the hallmark of an advanced society;

它是好薪水好工作－過去曾被認為是

the capture of our political parties by elites

先進社會的標誌－ 減少，所造成的結果；

accompanied by the hollowing out of civil society

我們的政黨被菁英給佔領，

that once provided a voice to ordinary people;

伴隨著曾能賦予人民聲音的

that sinking feeling that no matter what you do,

公民社會也被挖空；

external factors related to the global economy

還有種要出事的感覺， 好像不論你做什麼，

can disrupt our lives for the worse.

和全球經濟相關的外在因子

Our political leaders seem helpless,

都能打亂我們的生活，讓它變更糟。

insisting on austerity,

我們的政治領袖似乎很無助，

even as public goods diminish to levels unseen in decades.

堅持採取緊縮，

And this is when they're not succumbing to exclusionary nationalism,

即使公眾得益縮減到了 數十年來沒見過的低點。

blaming our woes on the weak rather than the powerful.

且這是在當他們沒有 屈服於排斥性民族主義，

What those of us from North America and Western Europe consider to be new

將我們的不幸怪罪於 弱勢者而非有權者時。

has been the normal condition of African life since the 1970s.

被我們來自北美和西歐的人 認為是新的狀況，

So who better to learn from

其實打從七○年代起在 非洲生活中就是很正常的。

than those who have been engaged in resistance to these conditions

所以，最好的學習對象

for the longest period of time?

不就是曾參與過抵抗那些狀況且持續

What can we learn from African protest democracy?

抵抗最久的那些人？

First, democracy must begin with ordinary people.

我們從非洲的 抗議民主中能學到什麼？

Viewing democracy as only elections has led to widespread disillusionment.

首先，民主必須要始於一般人民。

We must instead work to center ordinary people in democratic life.

只把民主視為是選舉， 已經造成了廣泛的幻想破滅。

Protest provides us one way to do that.

我們反而必須努力把人民 放在民主生活的中心。

Regardless of your age, sexuality, your gender,

要做到這點，抗議是一種方式。

whether you're a citizen or a non-citizen, able-bodied or disabled,

不論你的年齡、性向、性別，

anyone can participate.

不論你是公民或非公民、 殘障或非殘障，

In contrast to elections,

人人都可以參與。

protests are not confined by rigid electoral cycles.

抗議和選舉大不相同，

They offer a much more immediate form of action

抗議並沒有受到死板的 選舉週期給限制。

in our era of instant feedback.

抗議提供的是一種立即形式的行動，

Second, while protests may be messy,

在我們這個即時回饋的時代。

this is what makes them powerful.

第二，雖然抗議可能會很混亂，

Protests are contentious and contested processes,

這也是抗議強大的原因。

defined by contingent actions,

抗議是引起爭論和辯駁的過程，

often devoid of clear messaging,

由無法預料的行動所定義，

characterized by incomplete organization.

通常沒有很清楚的訊息，

These dynamics are what makes it easy to dismiss protests as riots

特徵是不完整的組織。

or to assume they are of limited political utility.

這些動力讓抗議很容易 被視為暴動而不加理會，

But it also makes them easier to suppress.

或是假設它們的政治效用有限。

Too often, governments do not view protests as elementary to democracy.

但這也讓抗議變得很容易鎮壓。

Instead, they violently crush social movements

太常見的狀況是，政府不把 抗議視為是民主的基礎。

or work to discredit their message.

反之，政府用暴力來摧毀社會運動，

Third, as I already hinted,

或是努力去抵毀它們的訊息。

protest is the space from which new political imaginations may emerge.

第三，我已經暗示過，

Protests are about coloring outside the lines,

抗議是一個空間，讓新的 政治想像可以浮現的空間。

a way for ordinary people to rewrite the rules of the game

抗議的重點是要打破規則，

that too many feel are stacked against them.

抗議是種方式，能讓一般人 重寫被太多人認為

Many young people in Africa have grown up in societies

有弊端且對其不利的遊戲規則。

where a single ruler has ruled their entire lives.

在非洲，許多年輕人所成長的社會，

Protest is the space for new possibilities to emerge,

在他們一生中都沒換過統治者。

as young people begin to discover their own power.

抗議，是讓新的可能性 得以浮現的空間，

Consider the situation of my friend Linda Masarira,

因為年輕人會開始 發現他們自己的力量。

a single mother of five,

想想我朋友琳達瑪莎里拉的情況，

who is leading protests against the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe.

單親媽媽，有五個孩子，

She has been beaten, arrested, harassed.

她在辛巴威領導對抗 穆加比政權的抗議活動。

But Linda perseveres, because as she told me a few months ago,

她曾被毆打、逮捕、騷擾。

protest has given her a sense of meaning and direction.

但琳達堅持不懈，因為， 如她幾個月前告訴過我的，

And though she knows the odds against her,

抗議讓她有了意義感與方向感。

Linda perseveres.

雖然她知道自己勝算不高，

Like Linda and other young African activists,

她仍然堅持不懈。

we all must work to redefine democracy

就像琳達及其他年輕的 非洲激進分子一樣，

as something more than just elections and political parties.

我們都得要努力重新定義民主，

Democracy is a creative process,

定義為不僅是選舉和政治黨派。

and protest has always been the vehicle

民主是個創意的過程，

for expanding our political imaginations beyond what we are told is possible.

抗議一直是其工具媒介，

(In Swahili) Thank you very much.

擴展我們的政治想像，不要 讓別人來告訴我們什麼是可能的。

(Applause)

（斯華西里語）非常謝謝。