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I have a two-year-old daughter named Naya
我有個二歲的女兒叫娜亞,
who is under the mistaken impression
她誤以為
that this conference is named in honor of her father.
這場大會取這個名字 是為了向她的父親致敬。
(Laughter)
(笑聲)
Who am I to contradict my baby girl?
我是何方神聖, 膽敢駁斥我的寶貝女兒?
As many of you know, there's something about becoming a parent
你們很多人都了解,為人父母後,
that concentrates the mind on long-term problems like climate change.
才會全心關注 像氣候變遷這種長期的問題。
It was the birth of my daughter that inspired me
我就是因為女兒誕生,
to launch this climate organization,
才啟發我發起這個氣候組織,
in order to counteract the excessive polarization of this issue
來對抗這個在美國 已過度兩極化的問題,
in the United States,
並尋找一條能讓保守派向前的道路。
and to find a conservative pathway forward.
沒錯,鄉親父老,共和黨的 氣候變遷解方並非遙不可及,
Yes, folks, a Republican climate solution is possible,
而且你知道嗎?
and you know what?
可能還比其它的更好!
It may even be better.
(笑聲)
(Laughter)
讓我證明給大家看。
Let me try to prove that to you.
對氣候政策, 我們真正需要的是殺手應用。
What we really need is a killer app to climate policy.
在科技界,殺手應用 是指改變力量超強的應用程式,
In the technology world, a killer app is an application so transformative
能創造出自己的市場,
that it creates its own market,
就像優步。
like Uber.
在氣候變遷世界,
In the climate world,
殺手應用是一種 前景可期的新解方,
a killer app is a new solution so promising
能突破幾乎無法克服的障礙,
that it can break through the seemingly insurmountable
因而進步。
barriers to progress.
這包括心理障礙。
These include the psychological barrier.
倡導氣候變遷的人 長期以來一直鼓勵同胞
Climate advocates have long been encouraging their fellow citizens
在當下做出短暫犧牲,
to make short-term sacrifices now
造福其它國家
for benefits that accrue to other people
未來三、四十年的人民,
in other countries 30 or 40 years in the future.
這哪說得過去? 因為這跟人的本性大相逕庭。
It just doesn't fly because it runs contrary to basic human nature.
另外就是地緣政治障礙。
Next is the geopolitical barrier.
在現行的全球貿易規則下,
Under the current rules of global trade,
各國都有很強的動機要占便宜,
countries have a strong incentive to free ride off the emissions reductions
讓其它國家去減排放量,
of other nations,
卻不加強自己的計畫。
instead of strengthening their own programs.
這是每一個國際氣候協定 都逃不掉的詛咒,
This has been the curse
包括巴黎協議。
of every international climate negotiations, including Paris.
最後,我們還有黨派障礙。
Finally, we have the partisan barrier.
即使是最盡心盡意的國家──
Even the most committed countries --
德國、英國、加拿大──
Germany, the United Kingdom, Canada --
都無法依照規定的 規模和速度減少排放。
are nowhere near reducing emissions at the required scale and speed.
差的遠了。
Not even close.
而黨派之間的氣候鴻溝
And the partisan climate divide is far more acute
在美國這裡更是有過之而無不及。
here in the United States.
我們完全卡住了,
We are fundamentally stuck,
這就是為什麼我們需要 氣候政策的殺手應用
and that is why we need a killer app of climate policy
來突破上述的障礙。
to break through each of these barriers.
我相信美國的氣候進步之路
I'm convinced that the road to climate progress in the United States
必要貫穿共和黨
runs through the Republican Party
及商業界。
and the business community.
所以我發起氣候領導委員會,
So in launching the Climate Leadership Council,
開始嘗試與共和黨的政治大老
I started by reaching out to a who's who of Republican elder statesmen
及商業領袖溝通,
and business leaders,
包括詹姆斯·貝克及喬治·舒茲,
including James Baker and George Schultz,
這兩位倍受尊重的 美國共和黨政治大老;
the two most respected Republican elder statesmen in America;
馬丁·費爾德斯坦及尼可拉斯·曼昆,
Martin Feldstein and Greg Mankiw,
這兩位在本國最受推崇的 保守派經濟學家;
the two most respected conservative economists in the country;
及亨利·鮑爾森和羅伯·沃爾頓,
and Henry Paulson and Rob Walton,
這兩位最成功最受景仰的商業領袖。
two of the most successful and admired business leaders.
我們一起合寫
Together, we co-authored
「保守派的碳利實例」。
"The Conservative Case For Carbon Dividends."
這是第一次
This represents the first time
由共和黨領袖提出
that Republican leaders put forth
具體的市場經濟氣候方案。
a concrete market-based climate solution.
(掌聲)
(Applause)
謝謝!
Thank you.
(掌聲)
(Applause)
我們在川普總統上任兩週後
We presented our plan at the White House
在白宮呈獻此計劃。
two weeks after President Trump moved in.
幾乎所有美國主要的報章編輯委員會
Almost every leading editorial board in the country
都背書支持我們的計劃,
has since endorsed our plan,
橫跨各界的財星百大企業
and Fortune 100 companies from a wide range of industries
也開始支持它。
are now getting behind it.
所以此刻你大概在想,
So by now you're probably wondering,
到底這是什麼計劃?
what exactly is this plan?
我們的碳利方法有四大支柱。
Well, our carbon dividends solution is based on four pillars.
第一是逐步增加碳稅。
The first is a gradually rising carbon tax.
雖然資本主義是很棒的系統,
Although capitalism is a wonderful system,
但它就像很多作業系統一樣, 很容易出現錯誤,
like many operating systems, it's prone to bugs,
在我們這個情況 就叫作「市場失靈」。
which, in this case, are called "market failures."
到目前為止最大的失靈, 就是市場價格不能
By far the largest is that market prices fail to take
將社會及環境成本加進來。
social and environmental costs into account.
這意味著每一筆市場交易 都是基於錯誤的資訊。
That means every market transaction is based on incorrect information.
資本主義這項根本錯誤, 超過其它任何因子,
This fundamental bug of capitalism, more than any other single factor,
要為我們的氣候困境 付上最大的責任。
is to blame for our climate predicament.
理論上,這應是很容易解決的問題。
Now in theory, this should be an easy problem to fix.
經濟學家同意
Economists agree
最好的解方就是 把石化燃料裡的碳標上價錢,
that the best solution is to put a price on the carbon content of fossil fuels,
也就是所謂的碳稅。
otherwise known as a carbon tax.
這樣就會鼓勵減少
This would discourage carbon emissions
在每年每天,每一筆 經濟交易中的碳排放。
in every single economic transaction,
然而,碳稅本身已證明不受歡迎,
every day of the year.
在政治面也走到死胡同。
However, a carbon tax by itself has proven to be unpopular
解答就是把所有徵收到的錢
and a political dead end.
直接回饋給老百姓,
The answer is to return all the money raised
以每月固定的紅利形式。
directly to citizens,
這樣會把不受歡迎的碳稅
in the form of equal monthly dividends.
變成受歡迎、帶平民主義 色彩的解決方案,
This would transform an unpopular carbon tax
而且這也能解決
into a popular and populist solution,
我們剛剛討論過的潛在心理障礙,
and it would also solve
因為我們讓每一個人 都能在當下拿到具體的好處。
the underlying psychological barrier that we discussed,
這些好處很重要。
by giving everyone a concrete benefit in the here and now.
假設碳稅的起價是每噸四十美元,
And these benefits would be significant.
一開始一個四口之家 每年就會收到兩千美元。
Assuming a carbon tax rate that starts at 40 dollars per ton,
根據美國財務部的資料,
a family of four would receive 2,000 dollars per year
收入在後 70% 的美國人 收到的紅利,
from the get-go.
會比他們付的上漲能源價格還多。
According to the US Treasury Department,
這意味著二億二千三百萬美國人,
the bottom 70 percent of Americans would receive more in dividends
會因為解決氣候變遷問題 而贏得經濟上的好處。
than they would pay in increased energy prices.
而且這──
That means 223 million Americans would win economically
(掌聲)
from solving climate change.
這是很大的變革,
And that --
還會從根本改變氣候政策。
(Applause)
但是這裡還有另一項變革。
is revolutionary,
紅利金額
and could fundamentally alter climate politics.
會隨著碳稅率增加而成長。
But there's another revolutionary element here.
我們愈保護氣候,
The amount of the dividend would grow
老百姓就得到愈多好處。
as the carbon tax rate increases.
這會產生正向回饋,
The more we protect our climate,
而這很重要,
the more our citizens benefit.
因為我們要達到排放減量 長期目標的唯一方法,
This creates a positive feedback loop,
就是要每年增加碳稅率。
which is crucial,
這個計劃的第三個支柱就是廢除
because the only way we will reach our long-term emission-reduction goals
不合時宜的法規,
is if the carbon tax rate goes up every year.
在碳紅利開始實施之後。
The third pillar of our program is eliminating regulations
這對共和黨及商業領袖是一大賣點。
that are no longer needed
我們為什麼要拿
once a carbon dividends plan is enacted.
氣候法規跟碳的價錢交換呢?
This is a key selling point to Republicans and business leaders.
嗯,給大家看一下。
So why should we trade
我們的計劃有不但可能 讓排放減量目標,
climate regulations for a price on carbon?
比歐巴馬時代全部的 氣候法規所達成的高一倍,
Well, let me show you.
在川普總統廢止所有氣候法規後,
Our plan would achieve nearly twice the emissions reductions
還會高出幾乎多兩倍的目標。
of all Obama-era climate regulations combined,
那假設碳稅起價為每噸四十美元,
and nearly three times the new baseline
換算出來每加侖汽油 大約會增收 36 美分。
after President Trump repeals all of those regulations.
我們的計劃本身
That assumes a carbon tax starting at 40 dollars per ton,
就會達到美國在巴黎氣候協議
which translates into roughly an extra 36 cents per gallon of gas.
承諾的減量最大值,
Our plan by itself
就像你們看到的,
would meet the high end of America's commitment
排放減量會隨著時間持續下去。
under the Paris Climate Agreement,
這說明了保守派氣候解方的力量,
and as you can see,
根據自由市場和有限政府的理念。
the emissions reductions would continue over time.
我們有可能會有較少的法規,
This illustrates the power of a conservative climate solution
同時卻產生更少的汙染,
based on free markets and limited government.
也可以幫助美國勞工階級成功。
We would end up with less regulation
這難道不是我們都會支持的嗎?
and far less pollution at the same time,
(掌聲)
while helping working-class Americans get ahead.
本計劃第四項也是最後一個支柱, 就是嶄新的氣候骨牌效應,
Doesn't that sound like something we could all support?
根據邊境調整措施。
(Applause)
這聽起來好像很複雜,
The fourth and final pillar of our program is a new climate domino effect,
但是這其實也很革新,
based on border carbon adjustments.
因為這提供我們全新的策略
Now that may sound complicated,
找出碳的全球定價,
but it, too, is revolutionary,
那正是我們的終極目標。
because it provides us a whole new strategy
請大家看一個例子。
to reach a global price on carbon,
假設甲國採取了碳紅利計畫,
which is ultimately what we need.
但是乙國沒有。
Let me show you an example.
那麼,為了使兩邊交易公平,
Suppose Country A adopts a carbon dividends plan,
並保護各自的工業競爭力,
and Country B does not.
甲國會對乙國
Well, to level the playing field
按照物品碳含量課進口稅。
and protect the competitiveness of its industries,
很公平。
Country A would tax imports from Country B
但這就是事情變得有意思的地方。
based on their carbon content.
因為在邊境收到的錢
Fair enough.
會增加甲國老百姓得到的紅利。
But here's where it gets really interesting,
那麼,你猜乙國百姓 要多久以後才會發現
because the money raised at the border would increase the dividends
那筆錢其實應該歸給他們,
going to the citizens of Country A.
然後要求自己的政府 也實施碳紅利計畫?
Well, how long do you think it would take the public in Country B to realize
再多加幾個國家,
that that money should be going to them,
我們就得到新的氣候骨牌效應。
and to push for a carbon dividends plan in their own land?
一旦某強國或地區採取碳紅利,
Add a few more countries,
再加上邊境調整措施,
and we get a new climate domino effect.
別的國家就必須跟著做。
Once one major country or region adopts carbon dividends
骨牌一個接一個倒下。
with border carbon adjustments,
這種骨牌效應可以從任何地方開始。
other countries are compelled to follow suit.
我的首選,當然是美國,
One by one the dominoes fall.
但是也可以從英國,
And this domino effect could start anywhere.
從德國或其他歐洲國家,
My preference, strongly, is the United States,
甚至從中國開始。
but it could also start in the United Kingdom,
就以中國為例。
in Germany or another European country,
中國承諾要減少 溫室效應氣體的排放量,
or even in China.
但是該國的領導者更在乎
Let's take China as an example.
要將經濟轉型成 消費者導向的經濟發展。
China is committed to reducing greenhouse gas emissions,
沒有比這個更能加速轉型,
but what its leaders care even more about
就是發給每一位中國百姓 一份月付型紅利。
is transitioning their economy to consumer-led economic development.
事實上,只有這個政策解決方案,
Well, nothing could do more to hasten that transition
能讓中國同時達到環境保護 及經濟發展的雙重目標。
than giving every Chinese citizen a monthly dividend.
那也就是為什麼這就是 氣候政策的殺手應用,
In fact, this is the only policy solution
因為這能讓我們克服
that would enable China to meet its environmental and economic goals
我們剛剛談過的每一道障礙:
at the same time.
心理障礙、政黨障礙,
That's why this is the killer app of climate policy,
及我們剛剛看到的地緣政治障礙。
because it would enable us to overcome
我們所需的只是一個 率先起步的國家。
each of the barriers we discussed earlier:
找到我們在尋找的東西的方法
the psychological barrier, the partisan barrier,
就是來一段廣告。
and, as we've just seen, the geopolitical barrier.
我們一起讀一下這個。
All we need is a country to lead the way.
徵求啟示:誠徵願意率先實施 碳紅利計畫的國家。
And one method of finding what you're looking for
費用:零。
is to take out an ad.
開始日期:愈快愈好。
So let's read this one together.
優勢:最有效的氣候解決方案,
Wanted: country to pioneer carbon dividends plan.
受歡迎且大眾取向,
Cost to country: zero.
親成長派,親商業派,
Starting date: as soon as possible.
縮小政府,並幫助勞工階級。
Advantages: most effective climate solution,
附加報酬:受現在及未來世代的感謝,
popular and populist,
包括我的女兒。
pro-growth and pro-business,
謝謝!
shrinks government and helps the working class.
(掌聲)
Additional compensation: gratitude of current and future generations,
克理斯安德森:泰德, 我只有一個問題要問你。
including my daughter.
我其實沒什麼印象
Thank you.
曾見過什麼保守派人士 在 TED 大會受起立致敬。
(Applause)
好酷!
Chris Anderson: Just one question for you, Ted.
這個邏輯似乎真的很強,
I'm actually not sure
但是某些曾與你談過的政治人物
I've seen a conservative get a standing O at TED before that.
說這很難通過議院支持。
That's pretty cool.
你對這背後的氣勢感覺如何?
The logic seems really powerful,
泰德浩思得:我了解很多人對於
but some people you talk to in politics
美國現在在川普總統之下的 情勢非常悲觀。
say it's hard to imagine this still getting through Congress.
我稍微好一點;理由是:
How are you feeling about momentum behind this?
白宮的動作, 在氣候方面早期的動作,
Ted Halstead: So I understand that many are very pessimistic
只是這場複雜氣候棋局的頭先幾步。
about what's happening in the United States with President Trump.
到目前為止都還停留在 「要廢除」這個策略;
I'm less pessimistic; here's why.
壓力會施加在取而代之的計畫上,
The actions of this White House, the early actions on climate,
這也就是我們能出手的地方。
are just the first move in a complex game of climate chess.
有三大理由,我快快解釋一下。
So far it's been a repeal-only strategy;
第一,商業界在根本上
the pressure is going to mount for a replacement program,
與白宮的氣候變遷政策大相逕庭。
which is where we come in.
事實上,我們發現
And there are three reasons why, which I'll go through real quickly.
不少財星百大公司支持我們的計畫。
One, the business community is fundamentally parting ways
我們將在兩個月內宣布
with the White House on climate change.
會讓人大吃一驚的支持者名單。
In fact, we're finding
第二,美國政治上 只有氣候變遷這個議題
a number of Fortune 100 companies supporting our program.
能在共和黨基層
Within two months, we're going to be announcing
及共和黨領導間 造成這麼大的根本差距。
some really surprising names coming out in favor of this program.
第三,就用棋局對弈來比擬,
Two, there is no issue in American politics
橫在我們面前的重大決定是: 這個政府會不會繼續參與巴黎協議?
where there's a more fundamental gap between the Republican base
我們來看一下正反兩面。
and the Republican leadership than climate change.
如果維持巴黎協定, 就像很多人當下正在政府裡推動的,
And three, thinking of this analogy of chess,
那麼就要問一個問題: 你有什麼計畫?
the big decision up ahead is: Does the administration stay in Paris?
我們有計畫。
Well, let's pan it out both ways.
但是如果他們退出巴黎,
If it stays in Paris, as many are pushing for in the administration,
國際的壓力會排山倒海而來。
well then that begs a question: What's the plan?
我們的國務卿會要求 其它北約國家達成財務基準,
We have the plan.
他們就會回說: 「不,給我巴黎承諾。
But if they don't stay in Paris,
履行你的承諾, 我們就會做我們該做的。」
the international pressure will be overwhelming.
所以,國際間、商業界 甚至共和黨基層
Our Secretary of State will be asking other countries for NATO contributions,
都在要求共和黨提出替代方案。
and they'll be saying, "No, give us our Paris commitment.
所以,希望我們這個就是解答。
Come through on your commitments, we'll come through on ours."
克:非常感謝你,泰德。
So, international, business and even the Republican base
泰:謝謝你,克理斯。
will all be calling for a Republican replacement plan.
(掌聲)
And, hopefully, we've provided one.
CA: Thank you so much, Ted.
TH: Thank you, Chris.
(Applause)