Subtitles section Play video Print subtitles >> WE'VE ALWAYS HEARD ABOUT CHINA TAKING OVER TAIWAN, BUT, IN A SENSE, COULD THE REVERSE BE TRUE? WE'LL TALK ABOUT THE POSSIBILITIES NEXT ON "GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES." >> THIS PROGRAM IS MADE POSSIBLE IN PART BY FUNDING FROM... >> THIS IS "GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES," WITH PULITZER PRIZE-WINNING COMMENTATOR JOHN BERSIA. >> WELCOME TO "GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES." WILL TAIWAN BE ABLE TO MAINTAIN ITS NUANCED BUT SELF-GOVERNING STATUS IN THE FACE OF RISING CHINESE NATIONALISM? IN AN INTERVIEW ON THIS PROGRAM, CHINESE SCHOLAR LU XIANG DOWNPLAYED HIS COUNTRY'S TERRITORIAL DISPUTES. >> ONLY THIS SMALL QUESTION -- SMALL PROBLEMS WITH CHINA. WE WANT TO SETTLE THAT IN MAYBE 10 OR 20 YEARS. >> TODAY'S GUEST, DAVIDSON COLLEGE POLITICAL-SCIENCE PROFESSOR SHELLEY RIGGER, IS AN EXPERT ON TAIWANESE AND CHINESE POLITICS AND UNIQUELY SUITED TO HELP US PARSE THE ISLAND'S FUTURE. WELCOME TO THE SHOW, SHELLEY. THANK YOU FOR JOINING US TODAY. >> THANK YOU FOR HAVING ME. >> TELL US ABOUT NATIONALISM IN CHINA. WE HEAR ABOUT IT, WE READ ABOUT IT. DO WE REALLY UNDERSTAND WHAT'S GOING ON AND WHAT THIS MAY MEAN FOR THE FUTURE OF CHINA'S RELATIONS WITH ITS NEIGHBORS, WITH THE U.S., AND SO FORTH? >> THE REALLY TRICKY QUESTION, I THINK, WITH -- WHEN WE'RE TRYING TO THINK ABOUT CHINESE NATIONALISM IS HOW MUCH OF IT IS REALLY INNATE IN CHINESE CITIZENS, AND TO WHAT EXTENT IS NATIONALISM KIND OF ENCOURAGED AND SPONSORED BY THE GOVERNMENT, BY THE CHINESE STATE? AND I THINK A LOT OF PEOPLE WHO LOOK AT THESE ISSUES THINK THAT THE STATE IS VERY RESPONSIBLE, AND THERE'S A LOT OF GOOD EVIDENCE TO SUGGEST THAT THINGS THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT DOES DO ENCOURAGE NATIONALISTIC FEELING ON THE PART OF CHINESE PEOPLE. BUT, AT THE SAME TIME, WHETHER FROM WITHIN OR BECAUSE OF THESE MESSAGES THAT THEY'RE RECEIVING FROM WITHOUT, CHINESE CITIZENS HAVE BECOME GENUINELY NATIONALISTIC. AND, OF COURSE, CHINESE HAVE ALWAYS BEEN PATRIOTIC AND CARE DEEPLY ABOUT THE FUTURE AND FATE OF THEIR SOCIETY AND THEIR CIVILIZATION, BUT THIS KIND OF POLITICAL NATIONALISM THAT SOMETIMES FEELS A LITTLE BIT ALMOST AGGRESSIVE TO THOSE ON THE OUTSIDE -- THIS IS A PHENOMENON THAT I THINK PEOPLE ARE REALLY LOOKING AT WHEN THEY TALK ABOUT NATIONALISM. AND IT SEEMS TO BE ENCOURAGED BY THE STATE, BUT ALSO EMBRACED BY THE SOCIETY. AND THAT, I THINK, IS WHY IT'S SUCH A BIG ISSUE TODAY. >> IS THIS INEVITABLY PART OF THE STORY OF A RISING POWER, OR DOES IT TEND TO BE? >> I THINK IT IS TYPICAL OF RISING POWERS THAT PEOPLE LIVING WITHIN THEM AND ALSO LEADERS IN THOSE COUNTRIES THINK ABOUT, "WHAT IS OUR ROLE IN THE WORLD?" AND "HOW IS OUR ROLE IN THE WORLD CHANGING?" BUT I THINK CHINA IS ALSO PARTICULARLY INCLINED TO THIS KIND OF THINKING, BECAUSE RECENT CHINESE HISTORY HAS REALLY TRAVELED FROM A POSITION OF -- NOT GLOBAL LEADERSHIP, BECAUSE BACK IN THE 19th CENTURY AND BEFORE, THERE WASN'T A REAL GLOBAL CONSCIOUSNESS, BUT CERTAINLY REGIONAL LEADERSHIP. FOR CENTURIES, CHINA WAS THE LEADER OF THE EAST ASIAN REGION, AND THE DOMINANT CIVILIZATION AND CULTURE WAS THE ONE THAT WAS REALLY CENTERED ON THE HEARTLAND OF TODAY'S CHINA, AND THEN BETWEEN ABOUT 1850 AND 1950, CHINA WENT INTO THIS DEEP RETREAT FROM REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL POWER AND FELL INTO HARD TIMES DOMESTICALLY, CAME UNDER PRESSURE FROM THE OUTSIDE. THERE WERE CIVIL WARS, THERE WERE REBELLIONS, THERE WERE FAMINES, THERE WERE EVERY KIND OF CATASTROPHE, ENDING IN A CIVIL WAR AND REVOLUTION THAT GAVE RISE TO THE CHINA WE KNOW TODAY. SO I THINK THIS TRAJECTORY OF GREATNESS TO NEAR-COLLAPSE AND THEN THE PROMISE THAT CHINA MIGHT BE RETURNING TO GREATNESS AGAIN, OR, IN FACT, THAT IT IS RETURNING AND, IN SOME WAYS, HAS ALREADY ACHIEVED THE STATUS OF A GREAT POWER -- THIS IS, I THINK, A DRIVER OF A LOT OF THE CONTEMPLATION AND CONSIDERATION WITHIN CHINESE SOCIETY OF, "WHAT IS CHINA'S APPROPRIATE ROLE?" WHERE ARE WE GOING?" AND MAYBE MOST IMPORTANTLY, "WHO NEEDS TO MOVE ASIDE TO MAKE ROOM FOR A RESURGENT CHINESE CIVILIZATION?" >> HOW DOES THIS INCREASING NATIONALISM MANIFEST ITSELF? YOU HEAR ANECDOTES ABOUT PEOPLE AT THE GRASSROOTS LEVEL WHO SOMETIMES GET INTO TENSE SITUATIONS WHEN THEY'RE VISITING CHINA, ESPECIALLY IF THEY'RE OUT AT NIGHT IN CLUBS AND THINGS LIKE THAT. AND THEN THERE SEEMS TO BE THIS AGGRESSIVENESS -- OR SENSE OF AGGRESSIVENESS, AS YOU TERMED IT -- IN THE NATIONAL POSTURES THAT THE COUNTRY TAKES FROM TIME TO TIME. >> I THINK THE MOST VISIBLE MANIFESTATION OF CHINESE NATIONALISM IS ACTUALLY IN PUBLIC DISCOURSE, PRIMARILY ON ELECTRONIC MEDIA. ONE OF THE THINGS THAT'S REALLY INTERESTING ABOUT THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA TODAY IS THAT THE MEDIA IS VERY TIGHTLY CONTROLLED, RIGHT? ALL OF THE TELEVISION, YOU KNOW, BROADCAST AND PRINT MEDIA, IS TO SOME EXTENT OR ANOTHER EITHER CONTROLLED OR VERY HEAVILY INFLUENCED BY THE STATE. AND THEN THERE IS ALSO SOCIAL MEDIA WHERE ORDINARY CITIZENS CAN PARTICIPATE AND CAN SAY THEIR PIECE. BUT WHAT WE FIND IS THAT EVEN IN SOCIAL MEDIA, CERTAIN KINDS OF TOPICS ARE CONSTRAINED AND CERTAIN KINDS OF CONVERSATIONS JUST DISAPPEAR FROM THE CHINESE INTERNET OR FROM CHINA'S EQUIVALENT OF TWITTER, WHICH IS CALLED WEIBO, AND OTHERS DON'T. OTHERS DON'T GET DELETED. OTHERS DON'T DISAPPEAR. NATIONALISTIC POSTS OR NATIONALISTIC COMMENTARIES TEND TO SURVIVE LONGER IN SOCIAL MEDIA THAN THE SORT OF COUNTER DISCOURSES. AND EVEN IN THE OFFICIAL MEDIA, THESE NATIONALISTIC VOICES TEND TO BE AMPLIFIED, WHEREAS THOSE WHO MIGHT SAY, "WELL, WHAT ABOUT THIS?" YOU KNOW, CHALLENGING THE NATIONALISTIC DISCOURSES, ARE OFTEN SILENCED. SO A BIG PLACE WHERE WE SEE IT MANIFESTED EVERYDAY IS IN THE CONVERSATION AMONG CHINESE IN BOTH OFFICIAL AND NON-OFFICIAL MEDIA AND THEN SOCIAL-MEDIA OUTLETS. THE OTHER PLACE WE SEE IT EPISODICALLY IS IN THE STREETS. SO WHEN THERE'S AN INCIDENT THAT EVOKES NATIONALISTIC FERVOR AMONG GROUPS OF CHINESE CITIZENS, THEN WE SEE DEMONSTRATIONS OR, YOU KNOW, PEOPLE KIND OF EXPRESSING THEIR DISSATISFACTION ABOUT SOMETHING. >> HOW HAS THIS DEVELOPMENT AFFECTED TAIWAN? FOR THE FIRST HALF OF THE CHINA-TAIWAN RELATIONSHIP, IT WAS ENDLESS CONTENTIOUSNESS. AND THEN, IN RECENT DECADES, LARGELY BECAUSE OF CHINA'S ECONOMIC REFORMS, THERE'S A LOT MORE IN THE AREA OF OVERLAPPING INTEREST. AND WE'VE HAD A FAIRLY STABLE RELATIONSHIP IN THE LAST HALF-DECADE. IS THE NATIONALISM ISSUE A PROBLEM, A CONCERN, OR IS IT SOMETHING THAT PEOPLE CAN TAKE IN STRIDE BECAUSE OTHER THINGS ARE WORKING WELL RIGHT NOW? >> I THINK IT'S VERY MUCH TAKEN IN STRIDE TODAY BECAUSE OTHER THINGS ARE WORKING WELL. BUT I DON'T THINK ANYBODY IN TAIWAN IS UNDER ANY ILLUSION THAT THE BASIC EXPECTATION IN MAINLAND CHINA HAS NOT CHANGED. AND THE BASIC EXPECTATION IS THAT, SOONER OR LATER, ONE WAY OR ANOTHER, TAIWAN WILL BE INCORPORATED INTO A STATE WHICH HAS ITS HEADQUARTERS IN MAINLAND CHINA. AND FOR A LONG TIME, THE EXPECTATION HAS BEEN THAT THAT WOULD BE THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA, THE PRC STATE THAT WE KNOW TODAY. THERE IS SOME SUGGESTION THAT THERE MIGHT BE SOME FLEXIBILITY ON THAT, THAT, YOU KNOW, MAYBE IN THE FUTURE -- AND NOT THE NEAR FUTURE -- THERE COULD BE A CHINESE ENTITY THAT IS NOT EXACTLY THE PRC OR TAIWAN'S SO-CALLED R.O.C. -- REPUBLIC OF CHINA -- FOUNDED BACK IN THE EARLY 20th CENTURY. BUT I THINK WHAT PEOPLE IN TAIWAN ARE MOSTLY ASSUMING TODAY IS THAT THE GOAL OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY, THE LEADERSHIP OF THE PRC, IS TO BRING TAIWAN INTO THE PRC ONE WAY OR ANOTHER -- WITH OR WITHOUT A HIGH LEVEL OF AUTONOMY. HOWEVER, BEIJING IS NOT PUSHING ON THAT ISSUE RIGHT NOW. SO I THINK WHERE TAIWANESE TEND TO ENCOUNTER CHINESE NATIONALISM IS WHEN THEY GO TO MAINLAND CHINA, WHICH TAIWANESE DO A LOT. AND WHAT THEY ENCOUNTER THERE IS A VERY STRONG, ALMOST REFLEX, NATIONALISM. I THINK, WHEN TAIWANESE GET TO CHINA, THEY DISCOVER THAT IN THE MAINLAND, THIS IS NOT A COMPLICATED ISSUE. THIS IS NOT A QUESTION FOR DEBATE OR DISCUSSION, AND, IRONICALLY, THAT HAS REINFORCED, FOR MANY TAIWANESE, THEIR SENSE THAT THEY NEED TO PROTECT THAT SEPARATE IDENTITY, AND THEY NEED TO BE MORE ASSERTIVE ABOUT IT, BECAUSE, I THINK, WHEN THEY'RE IN TAIWAN, THEY DON'T REALLY THINK ABOUT HOW MUCH CHINESE NATIONALISM IMPINGES ON TAIWAN'S FUTURE. BUT WHEN THEY'RE IN THE MAINLAND, THEY'RE CONSTANTLY REMINDED. "WE MAINLANDERS HAVE THIS EXPECTATION," SO A LOT OF TAIWANESE ACTUALLY END UP COMING BACK FROM CHINA MORE KIND OF PRO-TAIWAN THAN THEY WERE WHEN THEY WENT TO THE MAINLAND. >> BUT WHEN YOU TALK ABOUT SOMETHING EVENTUALLY HAPPENING REGARDING THE STATUS OF THE TWO, WE IN THE WEST TEND TO THINK IN TERMS OF IMMEDIATE DEVELOPMENTS, AND SO, IF IT'S NOT A FEW YEARS OFF, IT SEEMS IMPOSSIBLE IF NOT UNREALISTIC, BUT YOU'RE TALKING ABOUT DECADES OR MAYBE EVEN LONGER. >> RIGHT. ONE OF THE POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS THAT'S KIND OF ON THE TABLE, AND IT'S NOT VERY FAR ALONG THE TABLE, BUT IT'S KIND OF ON THE TABLE, IS THIS IDEA OF A PEACE AGREEMENT. BACK IN 2005, THE TWO PARTIES MADE AN AGREEMENT THAT THEY SHOULD SEEK THIS PEACE ACCORD, AND ONE OF THE IDEAS THAT WAS KIND OF INCLUDED IN THE RANGE OF POSSIBILITIES THAT MIGHT APPEAR IN A PEACE ACCORD WAS 50 YEARS OF NO CHANGE. SO THERE IS A KIND OF CONSCIOUSNESS ABOUT THIS PROCESS ON BOTH SIDES THAT THINKS IN TERMS OF MANY DECADES. EVEN THAT, EVEN 50 YEARS, SEEMS TOO SOON FOR A LOT OF PEOPLE IN TAIWAN, SO THIS PEACE-ACCORD IDEA IS NOT VERY POPULAR IN TAIWAN BECAUSE IT SEEMS LIKE A WAY TO CLOSE THE DOOR SOMEHOW, AND IF WE COULD HAVE A 50-YEAR PEACE ACCORD 10 YEARS FROM NOW, THEN THAT WOULD REALLY BE A 60-YEAR PEACE ACCORD, RIGHT? SO LET'S NOT RUSH INTO ANYTHING, BECAUSE THE LONGER WE DELAY, THE LONGER WE HAVE MAINTAINED OUR FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT. WHERE I THINK THE ANXIETY COMES IN IS THAT WE KNOW IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS THAT SOMETIMES THINGS DON'T GO AS PLANNED OR THINGS ARE NOT PLANNED, AND EVENTS HAPPEN THAT ACCELERATE PROCESSES THAT SEEMED TO BE VERY LONG-TERM. SO I THINK WHAT WORRIES PEOPLE IN TAIWAN IS THE POSSIBILITY THAT FOR VARIOUS REASONS, THE PRC GOVERNMENT MAY DECIDE THAT NOT ONLY CAN THEY NOT WAIT 50 YEARS, THEY CAN'T WAIT 10 YEARS, AND THEY NEED TO RESOLVE THIS MUCH SOONER. THAT'S WHEN SOMETHING THAT IS A KIND OF A MANAGEABLE PROCESS BECOMES A SERIOUS CRISIS. >> AND I GUESS ANOTHER COMPLICATING FACTOR IS THAT YOU HAVE DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS IN TAIWAN, AND IF THE PENDULUM SWINGS THE OTHER WAY AND THE CURRENT PARTY IS OUT AND YOU'VE COME TO THIS KIND OF AGREEMENT THAT WILL UNFOLD OVER 50 OR 100 YEARS, WHAT HAPPENS IF THE OTHER PARTY DECIDES TO SCRAP IT? >> RIGHT. AND I THINK THAT'S WHERE WE REALIZE THAT POLITICS ULTIMATELY OPERATES WITHIN A CONSTRAINED SPHERE AND THAT REALITY IS A CHECK ON POLITICS. SOMETIMES I WONDER ABOUT THAT WITH AMERICAN POLITICS, YOU KNOW? REALITY SOMETIMES SEEMS NOT TO REALLY PENETRATE THE CONSCIOUSNESS OF SOME ELECTED OFFICIALS, BUT CERTAINLY IN TAIWAN ON THIS PARTICULAR ISSUE, THE STANCE OF THE PARTY THAT HAS TRADITIONALLY LEANED MORE AWAY FROM MAINLAND CHINA AND AT VARIOUS TIMES HAS ARGUED FOR JUST DIVORCING CHINA ALTOGETHER AND GOING IN A COMPLETELY AND FORMALLY AND PERMANENTLY INDEPENDENT DIRECTION FOR TAIWAN -- THAT PARTY IS MUCH MORE RESTRAINED THAN THEY HAVE BEEN IN THE PAST. THEY'VE COME TO RECOGNIZE THAT THERE ARE REAL LIMITS ON WHAT TAIWAN CAN DO, AND SO I THINK EVEN IF THERE'S A TURNOVER IN POWER, WHICH THERE'S VERY LIKELY TO BE IN 2016, IN THE NEXT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, THE NEW LEADERSHIP WILL HAVE TO OPERATE WITHIN THE SAME SORT OF REALITY FRAME THAT THE CURRENT ONE DOES. >> TALK TO US ABOUT SOME OF THE COMPLICATING FACTORS IN THE REGION, SUCH AS WHAT HAPPENS ON THE KOREAN PENINSULA. HOW DOES THAT PLAY INTO THE CHINA-TAIWAN RELATIONSHIP? >> YEAH, THE REGIONAL SITUATION IS VERY INTERESTING RIGHT NOW. WHAT WE SEE I THINK IS THE SORT OF CIRCLE OF NATIONS AROUND THE PRC TRYING TO FIGURE OUT HOW TO CALIBRATE THEIR RESPONSES TO THE RISE OF CHINESE POWER. ECONOMICALLY, THE RISE OF CHINA IS BY AND LARGE VERY GOOD FOR THEM. IT'S GIVEN THEM ANOTHER TRADING PARTNER AND A BIG SOURCE OF ECONOMIC-GROWTH MOMENTUM WITHIN THE REGION. BUT THERE ARE ALSO SENSES IN WHICH THE ECONOMIC RISE OF CHINA IS NOT SO GOOD FOR ITS NEIGHBORS. IT'S A SUPER-COMPETITOR, AND IT HAS BEEN HARD SOMETIMES FOR OTHERS TO SORT OF GET INTO THE MANUFACTURING WORLD BECAUSE CHINA HAS SO DOMINATED IT. NOW WE SEE WAGES IN CHINA RISING, AND SO SOME MANUFACTURING IS ACTUALLY MOVING OUT TO SOME OF THE NEIGHBORS, ESPECIALLY VIETNAM. CHINA'S POLITICAL RISE AND CHINA'S MILITARY MODERNIZATION ARE EVEN MORE AMBIGUOUS PHENOMENA FROM THE POINTS OF VIEW OF NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES, AND SO WHAT WE'VE SEEN IN THE LAST COUPLE OF YEARS, AND CERTAINLY REALLY INTENSIFYING IN THE LAST YEAR, IS A KIND OF JOCKEYING FOR POSITION, ESPECIALLY IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA AND THE EAST CHINA SEA, AS THESE NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES TRY TO FIGURE OUT, YOU KNOW, "HOW ARE WE GOING TO ENSURE THAT CHINA DOESN'T KIND OF LEAN OUT OR FLOW OUT INTO PHYSICAL SPACE, ECONOMIC SPACE, MILITARY SPACE, AND KIND OF PSYCHOLOGICAL SPACE THAT WE NEED IN ORDER TO FEEL AUTONOMOUS AND IN CONTROL OF OUR OWN DESTINIES?" AND I THINK THAT WHOLE DYNAMIC HAS IMPLICATIONS FOR TAIWAN, BUT IT IS LARGELY HAPPENING WITHOUT MUCH PARTICIPATION BY TAIWAN. AND IT IS A DYNAMIC THAT I THINK IS ISOLATING FOR TAIWAN AND DEEPLY ANXIETY-PRODUCING FOR TAIWANESE WHO ARE OBSERVING IT. >> THERE WAS A TIME WHEN IT APPEARED THAT IF THERE WERE RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES ON THE KOREAN PENINSULA, THERE'D BE A REAL RISK THAT CHINA MIGHT USE THAT AS A DISTRACTION, AN INTERNATIONAL DISTRACTION, AND THEN DO SOMETHING MILITARILY AGAINST TAIWAN. IS THAT STILL A POSSIBILITY, OR IS IT FAR FROM THE TABLE AT THIS STAGE? >> I THINK CHINA'S VERY SENSITIVE TO THE WAY IT IS PERCEIVED REGIONALLY, SO THE CHINESE LEADERSHIP IS CAREFUL, AS CAREFUL AS THEY DARE TO BE, WHICH IS, YOU KNOW, YOU DON'T USUALLY ASSOCIATE CAUTION WITH, YOU KNOW, YOU'RE AFRAID TO BE TOO CAUTIOUS, BUT I THINK IN THIS SITUATION, THE CHINESE LEADERSHIP REALLY IS CAUGHT BETWEEN THE DESIRE OF CHINESE CITIZENS, THE UNDERSTANDABLE DESIRE OF CHINESE CITIZENS FOR, YOU KNOW, A ROBUST AND ASSERTIVE LEADERSHIP THAT WILL SAY, "LOOK, THIS IS CHINA. YOU GOT TO TAKE ACCOUNT OF OUR POSITION," ON THE ONE HAND. SO THAT'S WHAT CHINESE CITIZENS ARE SORT OF EXPECTING FROM THEIR GOVERNMENT. BUT I THINK THE LEADERSHIP ALSO SEES THAT ALL OF THESE COUNTRIES TO WHOM THAT MESSAGE IS SUPPOSED TO BE DIRECTED ARE ALREADY NERVOUS AND ALREADY THINKING, "YOU'RE MORE THAN ASSERTIVE ENOUGH. WE GET IT." SO THE LEADERSHIP IS KIND OF SANDWICHED BETWEEN THE EXPECTATIONS OF ITS OWN PEOPLE AND THE NEED NOT TO CAUSE TROUBLE AND NOT TO PROVOKE FURTHER BACKLASH IN THE REGION. SO, I THINK PART OF THE REASON THAT THE PRC GOVERNMENT HAS BEEN SO KIND OF QUIESCENT AND HANDS-OFF ABOUT TAIWAN IN THE LAST COUPLE OF YEARS, NOT REALLY DOING MUCH TO HELP TAIWAN, BUT CERTAINLY NOT DOING MUCH TO LEAN ON OR PRESSURE TAIWAN, IS THAT THAT IS AN AREA OF TROUBLE THAT IS ELECTIVE TROUBLE. >> NOW, CHINA'S ECONOMY HASN'T BEEN DOING AS WELL IN RECENT YEARS AS IT DID OVER THE PRECEDING DECADES. HOW DOES THAT AFFECT THE RELATIONSHIP WITH TAIWAN? I GUESS ON THE ONE HAND, IF CHINA'S ECONOMY IS SLOWING DOWN, THERE MIGHT BE FEWER OPPORTUNITIES, BUT THERE MIGHT BE MORE OPPORTUNITIES REGIONALLY. >> YES, I THINK ONE OF THE THINGS THAT TAIWANESE STRUGGLE WITH IS TO WHAT EXTENT THEIR ECONOMIC SUCCESS IS TIED UP WITH CHINA'S ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE AND TO WHAT EXTENT THEY ARE KIND OF A SURFER ON THIS WAVE AS OPPOSED TO BEING PART OF THE OCEAN. SO, CHINA'S WAVE IS DEFINITELY SUBSIDING A LITTLE BIT, OR IT'S NOT AS POWERFUL AS IT HAS BEEN IN THE PAST. AND I THINK WHAT TAIWANESE ARE BEGINNING TO REALIZE IS THAT THEY CAN ACTUALLY SORT OF SURF OFF IN ANOTHER DIRECTION. THEY CAN IN SOME CASES RETURN TO TAIWAN, IN OTHER CASES EXPAND OR EVEN MOVE PARTS OF BUSINESSES THAT ARE CURRENTLY WORKING ON THE MAINLAND TO OTHER PLACES, AND THAT THEY HAVE MORE FREEDOM OF ACTION THAN CHINESE COMPANIES, WHICH TEND TO BE MORE LINKED TO INSTITUTIONS AND COMMUNITIES WITHIN THE PRC. >> THERE WAS A TIME WHEN YOU HAD TO CHOOSE TO DO BUSINESS WITH ONE OR THE OTHER GOVERNMENT. YOU HAVE WORKED IN ACADEMIC CIRCLES IN BOTH. HAS THAT BECOME EASIER WITH THE PASSAGE OF TIME, OR IS IT STILL COMPLICATED? >> THAT'S A VERY INTERESTING QUESTION. I THINK, YOU KNOW, ONE OF THE THINGS THAT ALWAYS MAKES ME NERVOUS IS WHEN I NEED TO GO TO CHINA, TO MAINLAND CHINA -- WILL I GET APPROVED FOR A VISA? I'VE NEVER HAD ANY PROBLEM BEING APPROVED FOR A VISA, BUT SO MANY PEOPLE SAY THAT TO ME. YOU KNOW, "YOU WORK ON TAIWAN. YOU'RE CLOSE TO POLITICIANS IN TAIWAN. DON'T YOU WORRY ABOUT THAT?" AND THAT MAKES ME FEEL WORRIED. BUT IN FACT, I THINK THE PEOPLE THAT I WORK WITH IN MAINLAND CHINA ARE FASCINATED BY TAIWAN. THEY LOVE TALKING ABOUT TAIWAN. THERE ARE WHOLE RESEARCH INSTITUTES IN CHINA THAT ARE DEVOTED TO REALLY AND TRULY TRYING TO UNDERSTAND WHAT IS GOING ON IN THE MINDS OF TAIWANESE PEOPLE. AND I SUPPOSE A CYNICAL OBSERVER MIGHT SAY, "WELL, THEY'RE DOING THAT FOR A REASON." BUT WHEN I TALK TO THEM, I REALIZE THAT AT LEAST PART OF THE REASON THEY'RE DOING THAT IS THE SAME REASON I'M DOING IT, WHICH IS IT'S JUST FASCINATING. AND THERE ARE SO MANY PEOPLE IN CHINA WHO -- IN MAINLAND CHINA -- WHO ARE VERY CURIOUS ABOUT AND INSPIRED BY TAIWAN'S DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY. I HAVE A FRIEND IN SHANGHAI WHO GOT A SATELLITE DISH FOR HIS APARTMENT, AND HE DIRECTED IT TOWARD WHERE THE SATELLITE BROADCASTS FROM TAIWAN COME FROM, AND HE WATCHES TAIWANESE NEWS TALK SHOWS ALL DAY. NO ONE IN TAIWAN WATCHES TAIWANESE NEWS TALK SHOWS ALL DAY BECAUSE IT'S LIKE WATCHING AMERICAN NEWS TALK SHOWS. IT'S TOTALLY DEPRESSING IF YOU HAVE TO LIVE IN THAT COUNTRY, BUT HE THINKS IT'S FANTASTIC -- BEST ENTERTAINMENT IN THE WORLD. AND WHAT DOES HE GET FROM ALL OF THIS FIGHTING AND YELLING AND ARGUING ON TV? HE GETS, "I WISH WE HAD THIS IN MAINLAND CHINA, TOO." SO, I THINK THERE IS AN ENORMOUS INTEREST WITHIN THE PRC, IN TAIWAN, AND HOW HAVE THEY DONE THIS. HOW HAVE THEY MANAGED TO TURN CHINESE PEOPLE INTO PEOPLE WHO CAN LIVE IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY AND WHO CAN SOMEHOW NAVIGATE THEIR DIFFERENCES WITHOUT KIND OF FLYING APART? SO, I ACTUALLY FIND IT EASIER AND EASIER TO BE BACK AND FORTH BETWEEN TAIWAN AND THE MAINLAND BECAUSE PEOPLE ON THE MAINLAND ARE LESS PRICKLY ABOUT TAIWAN AND MORE OPTIMISTIC, MORE CURIOUS, AND LESS KIND OF ARGUMENTATIVE. THEY DON'T NEED FOR ME -- THEY DON'T FEEL THE NEED TO SPEND ALL OF THEIR TIME TELLING ME WHAT I SHOULD THINK. RATHER, WE HAVE A CONVERSATION ABOUT WHAT THEY THINK AND HOW I SEE BOTH THE PERSPECTIVES OF THE TAIWANESE THAT I DEAL WITH AND ALSO THE U.S. GOVERNMENT AND U.S. OFFICIALS THAT I TALK TO. SO, IT'S ACTUALLY GOTTEN MUCH EASIER, I THINK, AND MUCH MORE ENJOYABLE TO BE IN THE MAINLAND, BEING A TAIWAN SPECIALIST IN THE LAST FEW YEARS. >> GREAT. WELL, THANK YOU SO MUCH FOR JOINING US TODAY, SHELLEY RIGGER. >> YOU'RE VERY WELCOME. GLAD TO BE HERE. >> AND THANK YOU. FOR "GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES," I'M JOHN BERSIA, AND WE'LL SEE YOU NEXT TIME. >> THIS PROGRAM IS MADE POSSIBLE IN PART BY FUNDING FROM...
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