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  • So you've probably seen a little kid react to a sudden bang or a terrifying clown or

  • some strange Santa at the mall, right?

  • Yeah, not pretty.

  • That child probably immediately reached for a parent, looking for comfort, and that same

  • kid might freak out if she was separated from her adult of choice, especially is she was

  • in an unfamiliar environment.

  • It's called attachment and if you've ever seen a clingy kid you know why it's called

  • that.

  • They attach.

  • For a long time psychologists assumed that this was just an intense innate survival instinct;

  • I mean it makes sense that babies would be attached to their food source and bigger kids

  • would stick around to the people who helped them survive.

  • But in the 1950s American psychologists Harry and Margaret Harlow came along with a barrel

  • of monkeys, complicating and illuminating our idea of bonding with caregivers in what

  • has to be one of the saddest psychological experiments of all time.

  • The Harlow's were breeding Rhesus macaque monkeys for their research on learning.

  • Part of the process involved separating babies from their mothers right after birth, which,

  • yeah, pretty cruel already.

  • They began noticing that baby monkeys were very attached to the blankets they had in

  • their cages, so they set up an experiment.

  • They created two artificial mothers.

  • One was a bare wire cylinder with a feeding bottle attached; they called that Wire Mother,

  • and the other was a cozier cloth and foam wrapped cylinder without a feeding bottle:

  • Cloth Mother.

  • It took no time at all to see the baby's preference.

  • They overwhelming preferred the comfy cloth mama, clinging to it whenever they seemed

  • to be anxious or in need of comfort, and sometimes they fed from the Wire Mother with the baby

  • bottle while standing on the cloth one.

  • This discovery that attachment wasn't just about getting breakfast surprised a lot of

  • people.

  • It turns out that contact and touch are vital to attachment, learning, emotional well-being,

  • and psychological development.

  • As the brain and mind develop in infants so too do they're emotions and social behavior.

  • Caregivers can greatly influence this development, and most psychologists will tell you that

  • how a child is raised early on can have a huge effect on how they view the world, other

  • people and themselves, not to mention how they react to stressful situations or sort

  • out moral dilemmas.

  • I mean, it's a big complex challenging world out there and wire monkey baby mama just ain't

  • gonna cut it.

  • [Intro]

  • Touch.

  • You can convey all sorts of emotions through touch.

  • A hug, a slap, a pat on the back, a poke on the side all convey meaning.

  • Babies learn a lot through touch.

  • It's how they feel security and trust.

  • You can imagine how all those poor macaques, who were separated not just from their mothers,

  • but everyone, grew up to have some social issues as adults.

  • That is maybe putting it too mildly.

  • Those monkeys showed many signs of being really disturbed, from trouble eating, to rocking

  • back and forth in a trance, to even engaging in self-mutilation.

  • Most of the macaques used in this study never recovered, and those who were forced into

  • pregnancy didn't know how to care for their own offspring.

  • Although the Harlow's research taught us a lot, it was inhumane and would never pass

  • today's ethical standards.

  • Monkeys, like humans, need to be loved.

  • And loving touch and care are tremendously important, but familiarity is also key to

  • attachment.

  • When you're little, a hug from a stranger is not the same as a hug from your mom or

  • your grandma or your dad or your zookeeper or whomever you're most comfortable and familiar

  • with.

  • The unfamiliar can cause anxiety.

  • And for some critters, all these factors need to come together sooner rather than later.

  • Some baby animals experience a critical period in early life when certain things have to

  • happen for normal development to occur.

  • For ducks and geese, that critical period occurs just after hatching when they accept

  • the first moving object they see as their mother.

  • This so-called "imprinting process" can be difficult to reverse, which can make things

  • a bit awkward if that moving thing is a golden retriever or a person or a beach ball.

  • Thankfully, human babies don't imprint.

  • The world would be a lot different and a lot more bizarre if they did.

  • Human babies do, however, feel a lot more comfortable around people, things, and settings

  • that they're familiar with.

  • They form emotional attachments, but not all attachments are created equal.

  • In the 1970's, American psychologist Mary Ainsworth created the "strange situation"

  • experiment to observe children's different attachment styles.

  • She'd put a one-year-old kid and their mom in an unfamiliar room, like a playroom at

  • the lab and then observe the child playing with the mother.

  • Eventually, the child would encounter something potentially stressful.

  • Like, a stranger would come in and interact with the child and then the mom would leave.

  • If the kid freaked out, the stranger would try to comfort them.

  • And then mom would come back and the stranger would leave.

  • Different children responded differently to the strange situation.

  • Ainsworth measured and observed 4 different categories of behavior, including separation

  • anxiety, the child's willingness to explore, stranger anxiety, and reunion behavior, or

  • how the child reacted when the mom returned, which was what she was particularly interested

  • in.

  • Ainsworth broke this behavior down into three main attachment styles: secure, insecure avoidant,

  • and insecure ambivalent.

  • About 70% of her subjects showed secure attachment and could happily explore their new digs and

  • interact with the stranger, so long as their mom was nearby.

  • If mom left, they might freak out a bit, but they greeted her return in a happy and positive

  • way.

  • About 15% of the kids demonstrated insecure ambivalent attachment.

  • They were afraid of the stranger, cried more and explored less, and had a major freak out

  • when mom left, only to act all salty and mad when she returned.

  • The last 15% or so showed insecure avoidant attachment.

  • They were fine with the stranger, kinda indifferent actually, didn't cling to mom, didn't seem

  • bothered when she left, showed little interest upon her return.

  • Ainsworth observed that sensitive, attentive mothers usually raised securely attached kids,

  • whereas less responsive mothers who often ignored their children, or super-anxious mothers

  • who obsessed over every little thing, often raised insecurely attached toddlers.

  • And then of course, on the extreme, the poor monkeys with their unresponsive, fake moms,

  • they became absolutely terrified in unfamiliar situations.

  • Attachment is vital.

  • It builds the foundation for our sense of basic trust and quite possibly for our adult

  • relationships, our motivation to achieve and our willingness to be bold, like that toddler

  • playing with new toys in a strange room.

  • Given what those messed-up monkeys taught us, it should be no surprise that disruptions

  • in attachment can bring a world of pain.

  • Babies raised under abuse or extreme neglect are often withdrawn and frightened, and many

  • parents who've engaged in abusive behavior were abused themselves as children.

  • Young kids exposed to extended abuse, trauma, and neglect are at higher risk for psychological

  • disorders, health problems, and substance abuse as adults.

  • Studies of children raised in understaffed Romanian orphanages, for example, found that

  • they scored lower in cognitive tests and were twice as likely to exhibit symptoms of anxiety

  • as their counterparts raised in quality foster homes.

  • It's certainly true that some kids can show remarkable resilience, but disrupted attachment

  • and care, often further complicated by social and economic marginalization of all kinds,

  • can leave life-long scars.

  • So if one of infancy's major social achievements is forming positive attachments, then one

  • of the biggest achievements in childhood would have to be achieving a positive sense of self.

  • This self-concept, or an understanding and evaluation of who we are, is usually pretty

  • solid by about the time we turn 12.

  • Charles Darwin proposed that our self-awareness begins when we can recognize ourselves in

  • a mirror.

  • This self-recognition typically doesn't occur in humans under 15 to 18 months.

  • And by the time that tot's heading to kindergarten, their self-concept is rapidly expanding.

  • They probably know their age, hair color, and family name.

  • Perhaps they know they're good at drawing and not so good at tree climbing, and they're

  • noticing the differences and similarities they share with other people.

  • Kids with positive self-images are more happy, confident, independent, and sociable.

  • So, how can we instill these values and security in kids?

  • And how does parenting affect development?

  • Whether your parents were aloof or affectionate, strict or lax, and whether they spanked you

  • or preferred to talk it out, one model of parenting would probably categorize them into

  • one of three major styles, all related to control.

  • The authoritarian parent makes rules with consequences and expects you to follow them

  • because "I said so!" and tends to not be very warm to their child.

  • Whereas the permissive parent often caves to their child's demands and exerts little

  • control over any of the child's behavior.

  • The authoritative parent, meanwhile, seeks to find a balance between the two.

  • They are demanding, but always explain the reasons for their rules, and are loving and

  • responsive.

  • And, of course, research indicates that finding that culturally appropriate sweet-spot between

  • too hard and too soft is the best way to go.

  • Now, in addition to that growing sense of self, two other important landmarks of childhood

  • and adolescence are the ability to discern right from wrong and the formation of individual

  • character.

  • When those two things combine, they give us morality.

  • Last week, we talked about Jean Piaget and his three-tiered model for cognitive development.

  • Well, American psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg modified and expanded on that, and blew it

  • up into his own three-level theory of moral development, which emphasized the notion that

  • our moral reasoning continues to develop throughout our lives.

  • Kohlberg outlined his theory by posing a series of moral dilemmas to children, teens, and

  • adults, and then analyzing their reasoning behind the judgments.

  • One of his most famous questions is known as the Heinz Dilemma.

  • A woman is dying of cancer; there's a special new drug that might save her, but the pharmacist

  • wants to make a big profit, so he charges a lot of money for it.

  • Her husband, Heinz, can't afford it and has tried everything, from fundraising to begging

  • the pharmacist, to no avail.

  • So, he steals the drug.

  • Was he wrong?

  • Kohlberg was less interested in people's answers than in the reasoning behind their choice.

  • He ended up organizing his subjects' responses into three basic levels of moral thinking.

  • Kohlberg found that if the subject was younger than nine, they were likely in what he called

  • the preconventional morality phase.

  • In this phase, kids are concerned with self-interest, but they're also starting to judge people

  • individually, based on their needs and point of view.

  • So, Heinz needed the medicine, and stealing it best served his needs.

  • But in the second phase, in early adolescence, our moral compasses seem to shift, during

  • what Kohlberg called the conventional morality phase.

  • Here, his subjects put an emphasis on conformity and worry about what would happen to Heinz

  • if he was seen as a criminal.

  • This phase seems to worry "what would people think?".

  • From adolescence on, Kohlberg believes, some people exist in the postconventional morality

  • phase.

  • This is a more complex adult morality, when we begin to account for differing values and

  • basic rights.

  • Laws are important, but some situations, like saving your beloved's life, might overrule

  • them.

  • This phase tops out with reasoning based on universal ethical principles and more abstract

  • reasoning.

  • Heinz was right to steal the medicine because people have a right to live.

  • Critics of Kohlberg's set up question his emphasis on moral thinking rather than moral

  • action, arguing that there's a big difference between reasoning out what you should do and

  • actually doing it.

  • But one thing's for sure, what we experience during our first years on this planet, the

  • nature and quality of our attachments, our sense of self, and our moral development,

  • they all set the stage of our adolescence and adulthood.

  • Today, your developing brain learned about Ainsworth's three styles of secure, insecure

  • avoidant, and insecure ambivalent attachment.

  • And about authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative parenting styles.

  • You also learned about developing self-concept and Kohlberg's stages of morality.

  • Thanks for watching, especially to all of our Subbable subscribers who make Crash Course

  • possible.

  • To find out how you can become a supporter, just go to subbable.com/crashcourse.

  • This episode was written by Kathleen Yale, edited by Blake de Pastino, and our consultant

  • is Dr. Ranjit Bhagwat.

  • Our director and editor is Nicholas Jenkins.

  • The script supervisor is Michael Aranda, who is also our sound designer.

  • And the graphics team is Thought Cafe.

So you've probably seen a little kid react to a sudden bang or a terrifying clown or

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