The Chinese Communist party's massacre

中國共產黨在北京街道上

of its own people on the streets of Beijing shocked the world.

大肆屠殺國內人民的畫面震撼全世界。

And the repercussions are still being felt 30 years on.

至今 30 年，該事件的影響力依舊存在。

In 1989 I was a young reporter who,

1989 年，我剛當上記者不久，

along with hundreds of other foreign journalists in Beijing,

和其他入駐北京的外國記者一同報導

covered the demonstrations in Tiananmen Square.

關於天安門廣場的抗爭運動。

My mobile phone at that time was the size of a brick.

當時我用的手機還是大哥大。

And my job was to interview the student leaders

我的工作是採訪抗爭的學運領袖，

and then phone their quotations back to our news bureau.

並且以通話錄音將受訪重點傳回新聞總部。

It was like a festival in the square.

當時的抗爭就像慶典一樣熱鬧。

The mood was infused with the young and, as it turned out,

學生們的心情充滿鼓舞，天真地抱持希望，

naive hope that China could become

認為中國最終會轉型為

a more democratic country.

民主國家。

For a while the wider world also bought into those hopes.

外界曾一度也相信這些抗爭民眾的樂觀想法。

Few in the square imagined that the soldiers of the People's

廣場上的部分抗爭民眾想像人民解放軍

Liberation Army, backed by tanks,

乘著坦克車，

would shoot their way into central Beijing

將會掃射他們直到北京中央政府所在地。

and, in doing so, change the course of history.

而這樣的猜測成真，也改變了歷史走向。

Three decades later I've been talking

30 年後，我訪問

to people who were involved to try

曾參與抗爭活動的人們，

to put the legacy of Tiananmen into context.

試圖將天安門事件重新放入現代觀點來看。

Han Dongfang escaped from the square on June the 4th

韓東方雖然成功逃離六四天安門廣場的鎮壓，

and found himself at the top of China's most wanted list.

卻發現他是中國政府通緝名單的第一名。

After a spell in prison he left China and now campaigns

待過監獄一段時間後，他便離開中國，

for workers' rights.

現在則繼續為勞工爭取權利。

30 years ago when I started my first speech in the crowd

30 年前，我在天安門廣場，面對群眾發表第一場演講，

in Tiananmen Square I tried to illustrate what is democracy

我利用有限知識去闡述

with my very limited knowledge.

對於民主的看法。

And the only thing I could say is democracy, to me,

對當時的我來說，民主的唯一好處，

is who decides our salary, whether we

是決定我們的薪資，

have a chance to participate.

不論我們是否有機會去參與決策。

And at that time, when I talk about that...

當時我講到這點時，

and I feel kind of ashamed, compared to many other

相較於其他學生的侃侃而談，

students.

我為自己感到羞恥。

They quote blogs and the famous writers.

其他學生引用部落客和名作家的言論來說明民主。

And ironically, today I'm still working on that.

然而我直至今天仍在研究如何闡述民主制度。

The last 25 years I have been travelling nearly on every

過去 25 年來，我到處旅行，幾乎遍訪

continent.

世界各洲。

And one thing I have learned from different trade unions

我從各種貿易聯盟學習到的一點就是，

- democracy should start from workplace.

民主應該從工作職場開始。

If you don't have workplace democracy,

如果你無法從工作場所獲得民主，

if workers don't have rights to bargain.

如果員工沒有權力討價還價，

And I doubt that democracy is real or fake.

我會對那間公司所說的民主產生懷疑。

Bao Tong was one of the most senior Chinese officials

一位中國最資深的政府官員 ─ 鮑彤，

to be imprisoned because of his support for the student

也因為支持學生的抗爭行動，

demonstrators.

而被逮捕入獄。

Now 86-years-old, he remains under

鮑彤現在已經 86 歲，卻還是受到中國政府的

daily 24-hours surveillance.

24 小時監控。

His son, Bao Pu, says the enduring legacy of Tiananmen

其兒子鮑僕表示天安門事件帶來的後續效應，

is a fundamental deficit of trust.

是政府的基礎信任已完全破滅。

That Tiananmen event divides the PRC history

天安門事件將中華人民共和國的歷史

into before and after.

剖成兩半。

And what's before, its people still

天安門事件發生前，

trusted the Communist party.

人民依舊相信共產政府。

There were a million people on the streets

上百萬民眾上街頭請願，

just enjoying freedom of speech.

享有言論自由權。

They thought the party and the Chinese government

他們不相信共產政府會派遣

would not send the tanks and shoot them.

坦克車掃射人民。

And this is before.

然而這是天安門事件尚未發生之前的想法。

But after that event that trust has been broken.

事件發生後，人民的信任被破滅，

And that hurts.

這是令人感到傷痛的事。

I asked him whether he thought China's stellar economic record

我詢問鲍僕，30 年以來，中國令人驚豔的經濟成果

over the past three decades in some way

是否在某程度上，

justifies the crackdown.

平復了這場鎮壓行動。

I don't think so.

我不這麼認為。

It's like you cut off you know somebody's limb,

這就好像你截斷了舊識的手腳，

and he's still surviving.

但他仍舊活著。

And you cannot say that: oh, he's surviving because you cut

但你不能說，他到現在能活著，

off his limb.

是因為你幫他截肢。

The person is actually crippled.

被截肢的人實際上已是殘廢。

And that's what China is.

這就是中國目前的處境。

China's growing clout in the world

中國對世界的影響力逐漸壯大，

has taken its toll on Tiananmen dissidents living overseas.

對於流亡在外的天安門抗爭人士造成莫大傷害。

In the initial years after 1989 there

1989 年後幾年內，

were a lot of media reports a lot

媒體大量報導天安門事件，

of donations in the support.

許多捐款湧入支持該抗爭行動。

But this media attention as well as financial support

但媒體的注意力以及經費支援

has been in sharp decline in the past two decades.

在過去 20 年來急遽下滑。

Western governments tend to avoid antagonising

西方政府不願與中國政府

China in the first place.

直接對抗。

And they probably correctly believe

或許他們相信

that the reform forces are in mainland China,

中國自身進行改革即可，

not outside mainland China.

並非由外界逼迫中國改革。

Another expression of China's growing influence

另一個說明中國政府影響力壯大的例子，

is the erosion of people's freedom in Hong Kong,

便是香港人民的言論自由受到侵蝕。

in spite of Beijing's pledges to safeguard the territory's

雖然北京政府承諾維持香港的民主制度

democracy at least until 2047.

至少到 2047 年，

Hong Kong now understands that the economy

香港人現在也了解到香港在經濟方面

is much more dependent on debt in mainland China,

過度依賴中國，

rather than the other way around.

而不是中國依賴香港。

So therefore China's demands are,

因此，中國對於香港的要求，

in general, accepted by the business community,

已獲得工商界的同意，

by the powerful business community

中國要求大型企業集團不可以

who are in no position to alienate and antagonise

試圖對抗或是獨立於

Beijing.

中國政府之外。

As the Tiananmen massacre fades into memory,

天安門鎮壓事件逐漸從人們的記憶中消逝，

the world is facing a very new type of China challenge.

世界正面臨中國的新型態挑戰，

Having shut down dissent at home,

中國政府在國內鎮壓異己，

Beijing is now projecting its authoritarian influence abroad.

現在更確保極權體制的影響力向外擴張。

The events of 1989 should stand as a reminder

1989 年天安門事件應該被視為警惕，

of how uncompromising the Communist party can be.

提醒人們必須了解共產黨絕不妥協的堅持。