Subtitles section Play video Print subtitles You're going to witness a title bout between two of Australia's heavyweight economists. I think if you tried to find two economists in Australia who agreed less with each other, you'd have a hard time finding anyone else to fill this stage - and I'm sure they looked far and wide. Our two speakers today have exchanged barbs in the blogosphere. They've penned columns criticising one another. And they faced off on 'Lateline' earlier this year. and they're now in the room, we have confirmed, for the first time, speaking face-to-face for the first time. (LAUGHTER) I'm going to stand in the middle if it gets too heated. So we have, of course, here today - and I'm about to introduce them in turn - Professor Judith Sloan, and Stephen Koukoulas, who I'll get to. First of all, Judith Sloan is one of Australia's best-known economists. She's a leading figure in academic and business circles with extensive experience in both the public and private sectors. She's currently an honorary professorial fellow at the Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research at the University of Melbourne. She's also a member of the Westfield board, a director of the Lowy Institute for International Policy, and the contributing economics editor of the 'Australian' newspaper. And although it's an accolade you might not think much of, Judith, you are actually the first female 'Australian' economics editor that we've had. There was somebody else who was hoping for that title, but you got there first - well done. On 'Lateline' earlier this year, Judith said that Australians are right to be nervous about public debt, that the Labor Government wasted too much money, and in fact a recession could have been quite useful in Australia. Some dangerous ideas there. We're going to stand by those and explore them in a bit. Before we get to that, I'm going to introduce Stephen as well. Stephen Koukoulas is the managing director of Market Economics, which is a firm he established in January 2012. He's been a working economist for more than 25 years. That's a quarter of a century in journalist speak. He started his career as an economist at the Commonwealth treasury in the mid 1980s. And most recently he worked his way all the way up to the top and was a senior economic advisor to Prime Minister Julia Gillard. Before that, he was the global head of economic research and strategy for TD Securities, and he also spent five years working at Citibank. It is timely for us to come together and talk about this topic today. We're fresh from a rather gruelling federal election which was fought, as elections often are, on the issue of economic management and whether we need to reduce waste and debt, with the Australian electorate seeming to have produced a verdict which said that, yes, we do need to be worried about debt. The world economy is also still experiencing a bruising recovery from a global financial crisis, which arguably, was caused by too much debt, both private and public. If it wasn't so much the public debt that was the problem to begin with, it has been the lasting legacy of the GFC, with public debt in Europe and the United States keeps threatening to tip us back over the brink and back into crisis again. So we come together today to discuss, can we really afford to forget about debt? And hopefully you'll know in about 57 minutes. (LAUGHTER) Just some administrative things before we start. I'm going to ask the speakers to come to the podium and do a sort of 10-minute kick-off rally speech for their points of view, which will be followed by some general fisticuffs, as I've defined it in my mind, between us all on stage. Then we've set aside 10 minutes at the end for you guys to ask some questions. If you want to ask a question, just pop up to one of these microphones that we've got there and there and wave at me and catch my attention, and I will turn to you. Also, everybody, turn off your phones and turn on your brains. It's time to start. Can you join me in welcoming Professor Judith Sloan to the podium? Thanks very much, Jess. When I was invited to speak here, so, the Festival of Dangerous Ideas, I was wondering, is it dangerous for me to attend? I think it probably is a bit. I am assuming I don't have many fans here, but I come to the conclusion that it is important to be involved in the discussion, to put points of view that perhaps people might not initially feel very favourable towards. And even though I think I do disagree with Stephen in some ways, I think we are very civil towards each other. STEPHEN: Always. Well, no, I'm trying to make an important point here, because I think that if you look at the economic policy discourse in the United States, for example, that is not what you'd call civil. It's rude, it's personal, it's playing the man/woman. And I don't think we ever want to get to that point. And I guess Stephen agrees with me on that. (APPLAUSE) STEPHEN: Yes, I do. I'm not saying I love him, by the way. (LAUGHTER) What I thought I'd do is just take a few minutes, because I actually think, and I hope you all agree, that if you have a debate, it's always quite useful to have a kind of common set of facts. If there's a certain sort of PowerPoint presentation which you can basically agree with, and then we can kind of debate where we should go in terms of policy. I also think it might be quite important, even though I am an economist who tends to specialise - and I guess Stephen is too - in Australian economic policy, that we shouldn't think of this just in an Australian context. It's a very important worldwide context both for developed economies and for developing economies. So hopefully in the discussion, Jess, and in the questions, we can broaden it out. I guess when I saw the title 'Forget Debt', I was going to say "Forget Debt: As If". (A FEW CHUCKLES) What is debt? Debt, basically, is retimed spending. It's spending undertaken now rather than in the future. We should not forget, and we can think of this in a personal way as well, that debt must be repaid. So if we think, then, about government debt, government debt is effectively a liability on future taxpayers. Of course, those future taxpayers, by and large, are not voting for the current accumulation of debt. So this may sound a weird thing for an economist to be saying, but I think there is an important issue of morality, because it is a sort of intergenerational transfer that you build up in terms of accumulating current debt. I'm hoping this is something that we don't deal with too much. There are some technical issues about how we define government debt. Is it face value or market value? Is it gross or net? Now, where I'm coming at, Stephen, is that really for most purposes, you'd be thinking about net debt at face value. So we don't... And it'll put you to sleep - you'll be going back to sleep, where you possibly want to be anyway. (LAUGHTER) So can I just put it in some sort of numbers, figures? In Australia, when we think about net debt, we're hovering a little under $200 billion. We got about a $1.5 trillion, $1.6 trillion economy. We're hovering around the 10% to 11% mark of GDP. You might want to remember that figure. I'm sure Stephen might want to emphasise that one, because by international standards, that's a pretty low figure. So it's about effectively 10% of our national income, annual national income. What's happened over time, if we go back long enough, say like after the Second World War, we had absolutely heaps of government debt as a result of the war effort. If we think, though, in the late 1980s there was very little debt. It then increased a lot in the last years of the Labor Government, ending in its defeat in 1996. John Howard was able to cut the debt considerably, but he did have a lot of assets to sell, which he did sell. He restricted spending for a while, but only for a while, and in the end he basically secured a windfall tax gain because of the early version of the minerals boom. After that we've had what I regard as a massive increase. Stephen mightn't, and I guess this is a point of difference. We have got a gold medal - or a wooden spoon, depending on your point of view - in increase in government debt since 2008. There has been a very, very significant increase in gross debt under the Labor Government. Now, of course, our newly elected treasurer has increased the debt ceiling to $500 billion. I think we should have a bit of a debate about that, Jess. As I said, though, Australian government debt is low by international standards. But can I just get you to think about this? That quite a lot of those countries which have very high debt are complete basket cases. They're the Greeces and the Portugals, Italy, Spain. I mean, the UK and the US have very high government debt too, and Japan, extremely high government debt. So for at least some of them, they are in a real pickle trying to adjust to their debt. They're facing low growth and very difficult adjustments. And there are quite a lot of important countries that have lower net debt than Australia - and I rattle them off - including basically all of Scandinavia, Sweden, Finland, Norway, Denmark, Chile, Singapore, Hong Kong and Estonia. I think Stephen will agree with me on this point, we have to think, when we think as an economist... We mightn't just actually think about government debt, we actually think about household debt. Australia is very indebted in a household debt sense. And secondly, we might think about our current account deficit, which Australia runs chronically. I'm just about to wind up, but it's worth, I think, thinking about why do you have government debt? This is, I think, where the arguments become kind of confused. There is one reason why, which is what you'd call a Keynesian reason for having debt. So in the event of the economy growing below par or in fact contracting and unemployment increasing, the argument is that the government should increase spending and that will involve deficit financing, which will involve debt. So think of that - that's what you call the Keynesian argument. There is another argument, though, that you should use debt to finance long-living assets. So you don't pay for your house using cash. It's a long-living asset. So you use a financial instrument, which smooths the payments over the life of that asset. That's, I think, a different argument. Maybe that can be a central core of the debate. And for my money, as long as those assets clear what I call a clear cost/benefit test - so they're are clear net benefits to the community - then there's probably no problem using debt to finance those long-living assets. I don't think Keynesian priming works, but I'm not sure I'm totally opposed to raising debt for the purposes of financing long-living assets. Does that mean we forever should be increasing debt? I don't think so. We were talking about this in the green room, which was green, by the way - I love that. In the ABC, it's not really green, it's some sort of hideous version of green. But is debt like cigarettes where one is harmful to you and 60 a day is definitely harmful to you? Or is debt more like red wine? Where one or two glasses a day really actually quite good for you... 10 to 12 possibly not. I think there is a nuance in this argument about... My guess is it is more like red wine. It's just how many glasses are actually safe. So let me finish off by saying - can we forget debt? It's like a good pipe dream, isn't it? "Yeah, just forget it." But no, Australia needs to defend its credit rating, and I guess there's some issues about the credit rating agencies. We could always use high inflation to reduce the real value of debt, but that would actually impoverish us all, so I don't think that's a good idea. So my rule, basically, is that I want to have relatively low debt, I want it raised for the purpose of constructing quality welfare-enhancing assets, long-living assets. And I really basically don't see that there is a case for increasing the proportion of debt as a percentage of the economy because we can't be imposing that kind of burden on future generations. A little bit, a glass or two, is fine. It's just 10 or 12 is not. Thanks, Jess. Thanks, Jess. Thanks, Judith. I owe you a debt of gratitude for those introductory comments. I'm going to focus on a couple of the issues that are dear to my heart about debt. I think it is important to distinguish between gross and net debt. I know, Judith, you weren't so keen on that, but it does matter to have gross debt for a functioning bond market. I understand it's very, very boring, but at least one issue from the GFC that we found is that governments need to have a risk-free asset class that at a time of crisis, financial institutions can hold and sell back to the central bank or to the government. The bond market is one of those, which is why Joe Hockey's plan to increase the gross debt ceiling to 500 billion is such a good idea. It's continuing this trend where we have a deep and liquid bond market. Even 500 billion is actually too little, given the regulations that the Basel III requirements have for banking. We can discuss that later. Net debt is important. Again, it's getting back to that housing analogy, which is sort of OK. The scenario where someone sort of has $50,000 in the bank but no house. Fast forward 12 months, they've got zero in the bank with $500,000 debt. Aren't they bad? But actually they got an asset of a house. So the debt measurement, the net debt is the important part to think about. A lot of the discussion of debt is political. And Judith did touch on it, how the Howard government is lauded for getting rid of net government debt when it was in office, and it did do that, there's no question. It inherited $96 billion of debt, I think it was, from the Keating Government. JUDITH: Doesn't sound like anything now, does it? No, it's tiny! And when it left, I think it had net financial assets of about 40 billion, if I'm not mistaken. So that was an interesting achievement. But when you actually look about how he did it, there's some interesting issues to sort of think about about whether this debt reduction was actually a good idea or not. First of all, about 40% of the debt that he inherited was actually the debt that he raised when he was treasurer under the Fraser Government. The Fraser Government left the Hawke Government about a net debt level of 7.5% of GDP. So about 40% of the debt that he eliminated was his own debt. That's the first part to think about. The other way that it was eliminated is also really interesting to think about. It was done through asset sales. It was done through a record low spending on infrastructure. If you look at the government spending on infrastructure as a share of GDP in the period from '96 to 2007, it fell to a record low. So I don't know what sort of legacy that left the economy. And of course, we had the highest taxing government in Australia's history in the Howard years. So we had this dynamic where you can get rid of debt if you sell the assets, if you don't invest money in anything, and if you tax the tripe out of people. It's really easy to get rid of your debt level there. I guess the question that you've got to think about in that sort of scenario is is that worth it? Is it really worth doing those sort of things? Now, Judith quite rightly pointed out that since 2008, the net debt level has gone up to about... I think the last figure for June 30 was 155, but it's going towards 200 in the next couple of years. Now, let's have a think about how that debt was accumulated. First of all, we had a doubling in infrastructure spending. Things like school halls. Things like the NBN - or the start of it anyway. Things like some roads, the funding that we hear Anthony Albanese talking a lot about. There was actually some infrastructure spending that occurred that was debt financed. The other thing - there were no asset sales, or puny asset sales, during the Labor Government from 2007 to 2013, so they accumulated assets, if you like, on behalf of the people. And the tax-to-GDP ratio was the lowest in 35 years. So while not much of that was deliberate - it was a function of the economy being weak and low inflation - the end point of the debt accumulation was having a very, very low tax-to-GDP ratio. So you can argue that maybe if they'd hiked taxes, maybe if they'd found a few assets to sell, or had they not invested any money anywhere, they'd still have no government debt, but I don't think the Australian economy would be all that appreciative of those sorts of things. The other thing to remember is, of course, the GFC in 2008 to 2010, and arguably still going on. You've got to remember that the Australian economy is made up of roughly 80% private-sector demand and roughly 20% public sector. Yeah, those are the approximate numbers. When the GFC hit, it was the private sector that was going into retreat. The private sector did have a recession here. We had a mining slump. We had the whole housing slump, house prices fell. We had a real shock to the economy. Household saving rates went up because people were really scared about their financial position. So if you wanted to sustain GDP at 2% or 3%, you had to have the other 20% of the GDP, the government sector, ramping up spending. That's why the fiscal stimulus measures in '08 and '09, the cheques that went out to people, the school hall building, all these other things, were so highly successful. It stopped the economy going into recession. And I think that was a wonderful thing that the debt actually was able to achieve. It wasn't blown. And the legacy of that, of course, we still have the school halls there, which is a good thing. Now, the other thing to remember, of course, is that...Mr Abbott himself has got a bit of a personal track record on debt. It was sort of widely publicised back in 2009, 2010, I think. When he was in government in 2007, a minister earning lots of money and all those other things, he had a modest mortgage. When he fell into bad times, so his own personal financial crisis hit, if you like, when he went into opposition in 2007, he had a 40% reduction in his income. He went to a shadow ministry role. What did he do in response to that? He didn't cut his spending. He kept his children at private schools. He didn't sell his house. He didn't sell his assets. He went to the bank and refinanced his mortgage, up to 3.5 times his income. This is all sort of in the newspapers, so there's nothing terribly secret there. He himself applied the debt financing approach to his personal finances. Lo and behold, he's back in the prime minister's job now, half a million bucks a year, and this level of debt that he's got is trivial. And good on him - he made the right decision not to slash his spending, not to take his kids out of private school, not to sell his house and sort of go and live in a tent. He made exactly the right decision. And good on him. For that he should be applauded. That's a really good thing. And finally, just one other small point to note is that in terms of the gross and net debt concepts, which I think is important when we hear the 500 billion debt ceiling that Mr Hockey has now got, even during the Howard Government, when it eliminated net debt, it still had gross debt. It's curious that in 2007, gross debt was about $50 billion, and even during the election campaign in 2007, the Howard Government was still borrowing... Whoops! The Howard Government was still borrowing money. So the critical thing is there that debt does work. He needed it to fund the economy to keep the economy going to keep this bond market liquid. The question, I guess, going forward and things hopefully we're going to discuss in the next little while, is what do we do about the level of net debt? Do we have accumulating gross debt to keep the financial markets functioning? And do we have gross debt to fund nice things or productive things, or productivity-enhancing things like... Well, unfortunately the NBN seems to be kneecapped at the moment, but even things like roads and ports and these other important things. Hopefully we can discuss some of those things. So, thanks. (APPLAUSE) I think the biggest grimace that I saw, Judith, when Stephen was talking, was when we were talking about the debt ceiling there. And, Stephen, I didn't actually quote you - I meant to in my introduction - you've said that gross debt is ridiculously low and a trivial puny amount, and that actually it would be better if we had more debt. Would you have preferred the debt ceiling to have gone to a trillion or something? STEPHEN: We don't need it at the moment. But I have no fears about it increasing over time. I think that if we have the gross debt levels increasing, with money allocated to sensible things - infrastructure spending and those sorts of things - I think it's a very desirable thing. And it actually keeps the financial markets viable and fluid and liquid. One of the critical things about a functioning financial market is you don't want your banking sector to freeze. You don't want your banking sector not being able to have access to capital, which is why a deep and liquid bond market's important. And we know that foreigners love our bonds too, and we're happy to issue them at these very low interest rates, fund productivity-enhancing infrastructure, so it doesn't worry me terribly much. Judith. No, I am quite opposed to it. It was all politics, raising the debt ceiling. I mean, they probably did need to technically raise the debt ceiling, but, you know, governments find it really easy to spend other people's money. They like spending other people's money. The thing is that the electorate really is best served if there are some disciplines and some constraints on politicians in doing that. So I think what Joe is saying is that, "Look, I'm sorry. "It's not my fault that I'm having to increase the debt ceiling, "and I'm increasing it more because they were so irresponsible." He's increased it way beyond what seems needed at this point in time, and so if... The trouble is governments dream up you-beaut ideas. They dreamt up the Adelaide-to-Darwin railway, for example. Did anyone really think that was a good idea? That's gone broke about four times since they built it. I mean, you talk about the school halls. A new school hall in every primary school in the country, including schools that were slated for closure? I don't think so, Stephen. Well, the alternative was just drop money out of a helicopter, which would have been not quite as effective, but with no lasting legacy. But the money on the school halls was being spent two, three years after the worst of the GFC had hit. Not much of it. In Victoria it was, because they wanted to get value out of it. There was nothing Keynesian about a lot of the school hall spending. Yeah, a lot of the school halls, I think the report into the effectiveness only found that 3% or so was wasteful. In fact, I think that's, again, not a really small amount of money, but at the end of the day, those school halls are infrastructure there. They're libraries, they're canteens... But we don't need libraries now. No, I completely disagree. (LAUGHTER) We don't need libraries in terms of a physical space for books. There will not be libraries in the future, believe me. There will not. I know you all love your books. But Stephen, do you agree with hindsight that we needed to spend... I can't remember how much we did spend, it was $100 billion or so. Do you think we really needed to spend that much, with hindsight? Given that we didn't know, could we have spent less? Probably not, no. In fact, the issue that you remember about the GFC is that there were weekends when the government was meeting with the Reserve Bank, APRA, they got all the banks in. I think this in a couple of the books that have written about the GFC. The banks were actually on the cusp of having to merge, getting rid of the four pillars policy, because they were about to fail. They weren't being able to settle their foreign exchange transactions, their bond market transactions with their international counterparts, because not only did Lehmans fail, but the other big US banks, the European banks, were just unable to settle their accounts. Of course, what do you do in a bank in that sort of situation? But, Stephen, that's got absolutely nothing to do with government debt. That's actually about the government providing guarantees for wholesale funding and retail funding and retail deposits. That's absolutely a different issue. No, I'm not talking about that, but that's the environment where... JUDITH: They panicked, in other words. -They addressed a true emergency. -They panicked. They decided to ... Ken Henry, the treasury secretary at the time, said, "Make it temporary," so all this stuff was finished, "targeted, and timely." So let's do it now, not like the US... And the experience in Australia in the 1990s when we had a recession. "Let's build infrastructure." It takes so long for that to be built that you don't have an impact on your economy. You still have a recession, and then you have the tail going on for years and years and years. This was money handed out. You just have to look at the GDP numbers. You have to look at the employment numbers. But look at the GDP numbers now. The thing is we've paid a longer term price, so we've now got unemployment heading toward 6%. If the participation rate hadn't fallen, it would be over 6%. We've had sluggish GDP growth for the past nearly three years, Stephen. So it was the classic sugar hit. It was actually probably the 12 glasses of red wine that we shouldn't have had and now we've got the hangover. And the performance of the Australian economy in the past three years has been extremely disappointing. That's because we've had the biggest fiscal contraction in the last three years. You got to remember the temporary nature of the fiscal stimulus... It's about to go to $30 billion, Stephen. The temporary nature of the fiscal stimulus in 2008, 2009 and 2010 did see a really big increase in debt, government spending. But now we've actually had... The year that just finished, 12-13 fiscal year just finished, the budget - go to budget.gov.au, Budget Outcome - you'll see that spending in nominal terms, nominal terms, fell. In real terms, it fell by 3.1%. And it's about to go up again. It's about to go up again. Mr Hockey should do something about it if he's worried. It was a big fiscal contraction we saw last year. That's why the economy's been disappointing, the government's been too tight. Remember when we were undergraduates, Stephen? Remember we learned all that rubbish about the multiplier effect? A little bit of government spending was going to create all this private sector investment stuff, and it hasn't. I mean, investment in the non-mining part of the economy is as low a proportion as pretty much we've ever recorded. So all that idea of this actually encouraging private sector activity, it's a failure. So what would you have advised the government to do? Because the coalition was at the time promising stimulus, just a little bit less, and in tax cuts, not cash hand-outs. Do you think that you would have advised the government to spend a little bit? And how much? I go back to this point - there was sort of basically two prongs. There's absolutely no doubt they had to deal with the banking and the financial system because effectively what happened at that time was that the debt markets went on strike, or it was a complete drought. So they had to deal with that. Absolutely agree with you there. In terms of what they did... And don't forget the Coalition did oppose the second tranche of the stimulus spending. So I would have been much more inclined to be cautious. I think I would have had the first round of cash hand-outs. But even if you look at the evidence on the cash hand-outs, effectively, a lot of it was saved because people were very, very nervous about it. I remember a taxi driver talking to me. I love to talk to them always. He's saying, "Oh, things must be really bad. "The government sent me a cheque for $900." (LAUGHTER) It had quite an ambiguous effect on people instead of thinking, "Yeah, go and spend it." So...yeah. I mean, don't forget that there were other things going on at the time. This is the important bit. We shouldn't expect and we shouldn't want fiscal policy in a small, open economy like Australia to be doing the heavy lifting. So we had monetary policy, we had the Reserve Bank, really, with their shoulders to the wheel on this. What was it? They reduced the cash rate by 2.5 or 3 percentage points really, really quickly. The exchange rate went down from mid 90s to sort of mid 60s really quickly. We had quite a flexible labour market at the moment. And all of a sudden, lo and behold, China was really kicking in. So we were kind of lucky. Someone was sort of giving us the Berocca while we were drinking the wine. So it sort of worked out for that period of time. But I still come back to the point that we seem to have been paying quite a heavy price for this because certainly the last 3 years have been pretty disappointing in terms of sub-par economic growth. So one of the reasons why we should worry about debt is if foreign investors worried about our debt and suddenly decided that they'd either charge a lot more from us to borrow from them, or they started selling, or something catastrophic like that. But actually, the problem that we seem to have in the post-GFC world is that investors are too keen to have our bonds, and this is actually putting upward pressure on our dollar. It seems like foreign investors have forgotten about our debt already, and actually maybe it would be better for us if they were a little bit less keen to give us the money, the dollar was a little bit lower, and that would give our economy a bit of a kick. Of course, the dollar's high partly because of the carry trades. So the carry trade is because Australian interest rates have been relatively high, relative to particularly Japan and the like. But you're right. But let's broaden this conversation out. What happened in Greece and in Spain and Italy and Portugal and Ireland was that they were sitting there with this large amount of government debt. In a number of those cases it was expanded dramatically because they actually had to bail out failed banks and so all of a sudden, the debt increased dramatically. And the providers of the bond monies said, "Well, hang on, this looks pretty bloody risky." And so instead of paying 4%, 5% or 6% yield, you're all of a sudden paying 12%, 13%, 14%. And that is incredibly damaging to the economy and to public finances. It is damaging, and that didn't happen here. I think Jessica's point is absolutely fantastic... JUDITH: Yeah, yeah. Oh, it's not bad. ..in that we've got such a hot demand for Australian assets. It's not just the running yield, it's the AAA credit rating, it's the fact that we've got not many people worried about our level of debt. In fact, the curious thing, certainly in my old job - and I still keep in contact with these people - the big fund managers sitting around the world, whether they're sitting in New York or Tokyo or in Frankfurt or goodness knows where, they look around the world for low-risk, high-return assets that they can invest in. And in terms of the yield, we've got a relatively high yield - a couple of percentage points above the US or Japan and the like. And in terms of our credit rating and the level of debt, it's a real beacon for these investors. They just love the Australian economy. They can see, even though they've got ongoing concerns about "Will the housing bubble burst?" or these sorts of things, we know that about three-quarters of our bond market is held by foreigners. So the curious thing about that is that we do have this debt issuance occurring, but the foreign investors just love to buy it because it's very, very low risk unlike Italy, Greece and these other countries that you mentioned. It's very low risk. It's a safe haven, in a sense, and that's what's pushing the exchange rate higher. Maybe to get the currency down, we just need Barnaby Joyce to be finance minister and talk about these things - maybe that's the solution. But we shouldn't forget that a number of those countries - you think of Spain and Ireland - it was not that long ago that they were regarded as actually quite miraculous in terms of their economic performance. The market got it wrong. There was the 'Celtic tiger'. And actually it's interesting - and this is something Australia needs to watch - a lot of their economic prosperity was founded on housing bubbles. It's ever vigilant, Stephen. You, probably, and I agree on that point, that you can never relax on this stuff. And that's why I'm delighted that we've got the Reserve Bank being vigilant about housing, and they're doing a great job. The other thing to remember too is that one thing that I think we've forgotten is that in 2015-16, we've got a budget surplus already that was left there by the previous government. Mr Hockey seems to be endorsing that without any action on emergency budget setting. He's done nothing on the budget other than borrow another 8.8 billion to give to the RBA for whatever reason that is. But the bottom line is that we're getting a budget surplus anyway, and if you look at the budget papers, you can see the level of net government debt falling away to nothing in the not-too-distant future. -If those forecasts are achieved. -Yeah, come on, Stephen. But I am interested - it seems like our new treasurer, perhaps, has forgotten about debt, because he doesn't seem to be doing too much about it beyond increasing the debt limit. We've got the commission of audit that will look at identifying asset sales or some spending cuts, but I actually doubt that that will be enough to really produce a budget outcome that is much changed from what Labor would have delivered us. I mean, you've mentioned that it's a tendency of all politicians, not just Labor politicians, to want to spend a lot of money and not raise enough tax. Do you worry about that with the current treasurer? Oh, absolutely. I don't regard the Coalition as a government that's committed to small government, they just want different kind of government. They want to spend a lot of money, they just want to spend money on different things than Labor spent. And there aren't any sort of... It probably does require warriors, because the thing is if you look at the $400 billion or so which is spent in the federal budget each year, I think most politicians would say most of that is not discretionary. You're kind of looking at education, health, welfare, defence. They would argue that a huge proportion of that is basically... Not discretionary or just too hard to do. Yeah. Well, but you know. Yeah, maybe some of the very generous payments that go to... I call it upper-class welfare, not middle-class welfare. We've got a lot of money going to people who basically don't need it. I think that that's where, hopefully, the commission of audit comes back and just sort of redefines some of this money, because we do have some big-ticket items on disability care, on paid parental leave, getting defence spending up to 2% of GDP. They're all really, really big numbers. And if they're not prepared to look at the tax scales... No-one's talking about income tax hikes or GST changes or anything else - capital gains tax on your house or anything like that - it's got to come down to trimming other areas of spending. There's just not that much that's easy to do. I can assure you, the previous government, every budget and every MYEFO looked where they could save money, and they went pretty hard on the things that were possible, so we have to think about this upper-class welfare and whether we should be giving such generous amounts of public sector money to people who, frankly, don't need it. Yeah, and I do feel, as a commentator, it's no long incredibly conservative commentators who are worrying about debt. Perhaps we all need to worry about debt just because the politicians aren't worried too much and neither are the investors. But actually, we do have a problem with the two sides of the budget not quite meeting. The ageing of the population means that every thing's becoming much more expensive in terms of health to support everyone, and nobody wants to pay any tax, that there actually is a budget emergency even if it is a longer-term one and you don't have to be particularly conservative to say that. Would you agree with that? -Yes. -Yes. -Oh, no, we're agreeing! -Sorry, I agree. The demographics, the ageing population, living longer, these sorts of things are expensive for the public purse - while they're funded by the public purse. So I think there's this question about whether we want to have it continually provided by the public sector, or whether we trim some of the... Maybe it's got to be on the tax side, with some of the very generous concessions on superannuation, 'cause I think that's the biggest rort at the moment. There's a lot of money there. And you saw back in April, I think, Treasurer Swan tried to think about whether he could tighten up some of the taxing of these very generous concessions for retirees, and he got shot down by the industry, a little bit like the mining tax issue of three or four years ago. I think it's an important issue because you go back to my idea about... It's basically re-timed spending, so you're imposing a liability on future taxpayers. Now, if you then bring in the changing demography, you're actually going to, because of the ageing population, you're going to have a lower ratio of workers to dependents. That's a real issue in terms of servicing a high proportion of debt going down the track. So we've got to sort of think about that. I don't believe the treasury figures. Come on, they were kind of cloud cuckoo land. They were out of a fairy book. They've just got trend GDP and inflation - I think they're fine. I mean, it's a really interesting philosophical point, because, of course, the social democrat model, which is to have relatively high taxes but to have everyone participating in government benefits, right? Now, if we moved to an arrangement where we really restrict government benefits to people on relatively low incomes and exclude everyone else, that's modelled... There are some issues, come on, because you get really funny effective marginal tax rates with the means testing, but leave that bit aside - the trouble is then do you have a society where those wealthy people are quite happy to pay a lot of tax, even though they don't get anything back personally? It's a really kind of interesting issue about does the social democrat model make more sense where there's a bit of an in/out? Which then basically underpins people's preparedness to pay a reasonable amount of tax. Isn't that just churn? The in/out is inefficient. Churn, or is it actually the means of ensuring that people are happy to pay a fair share of tax and not sort of spend all their time trying to avoid it? That comes back to this issue that we want to have these... We're somewhere in the middle, I think. We want these services provided by the government, or some of us do, and that we don't want to accumulate government debt to fund it. I think that's where we keep coming back to, that if we want to have disability care, if we want to have good roads and another airport built in Sydney and all these other really good, productive, decent things that a rich economy like Australia could and should be doing, to make it sustainable, we've got to be very, very careful that we don't end up with a high level of debt, which, again, comes back to this whole political question about where other money is spent unproductively or where the revenue is raised to fund it - if we increase the GST or those kinds of things. You shouldn't think that increasing taxes is some free lunch. You have to take into account the fact that this will reduce the rate of economic growth, and depend on... I mean, I would personally increase the GST. But you know, there's a lot of opposition like Wayne Swan... -Do you think Tony would do that? -No. No, no. And people would say - maybe this group too... I think I've lost my thing, but I'll shout. ..you know, think the GST is unfair. You have to see it as a package. What would happen is that you could compensate the low-income earners and raise a whole lot more money and it would be a good outcome. I'm interested, Judith, in... Just get your mic together. You mentioned in your introductory remarks that this is actually a morality issue. We'll tackle morality and the more technical issues of microphones. STEPHEN: There's a microphone. Sorry. So debt is a problem if the mums and dads go about racking up debt and spending it irresponsibly, and the children have to pay off the debt. That seems to be the emotional argument against, the intergenerational argument of debt. But if the mum and dad are actually going out and buying a house that they're financing with that debt and they leave the house for the child and the child has a house that's increased in value so that they can... They have to repay the debt, sure, but they've got an increased earning capacity to be able to do that, that that's actually a good thing for future generations if we do invest in some of this infrastructure. Which seems to get us to the is there such a thing as good debt versus bad debt? Would we agree that there is such a thing as good debt and bad debt? Good debt being sort of investing in assets for your children, bad debt being just not being able to pay your credit card bills on time. STEPHEN: Yes. There is good debt and bad debt. Debt that's used to fund consumption is generally - not always, but generally - bad. Debt that's used to increase productivity or an asset that's going to accumulate in value or to give you some return is generally very, very good. So, yeah, there is good and bad debt. I think this sort of comes back to this issue of house prices. Not that I want to touch on house prices all that much, but this discussion now about whether housing is pricing people out and whether the amount of debt that first home buyers need to have to buy their first home is so oppressive, but I think what we're seeing there is a change in attitude from the people who apparently can't afford to buy their house. They're choosing different consumption patterns. They prefer to have cappuccinos, go to Mr Wong's for dinner and have holidays rather than to stay at home and save for the deposit for their house. I think there definitely is good and bad debt, but the thing is... And I probably come across as some sort of wacko from the United States, but I don't trust governments... (LAUGHTER) JESSICA: You've got the eye twitch. I think that was that guy at LAX. But the thing is, do they make good decisions? They might make some, but I think of the six submarines that were built in Adelaide that basically never worked. They cost billions of dollars. Was that a good accumulation of debt? They've done some pretty stupid things. It seems to me that the way to think about that is... Can we think of institutional arrangements which might guarantee that we have a higher proportion of our debt funding good projects, worthwhile projects, as opposed to stupid, politically attractive projects? And I think that's really a discussion worth having. In Chile... OK, I know you're thinking, "Chile, what would they teach us?" But I think it's quite an interesting story, because they've got one commodity, copper, which has been relatively highly priced in the past several years. They have a sovereign wealth fund. They have some very strict budget rules in respect of moving into deficit, and they also have a kind of independent institutional arrangement which judges what will be funded out of this sovereign wealth fund. I honestly think that there might be some lessons in that because I don't think we want another Adelaide-to-Darwin railway line. We also, I don't think, really... If we're going to be spending our precious defence dollars propping up an industry in Adelaide to build even more submarines that don't work - I think there's a really important issue there. (APPLAUSE) And when you ask the governor of the Reserve Bank, Glenn Stevens, what should you do... He has a list on productivity for things that you should do, but he also says that there should be a list of shovel-ready projects, that if we did have another GFC or if we did decide that we wanted to invest in infrastructure, there should be a list of projects that's compiled by some sort of independent body so we would know which ones would actually make sense to do. I don't think we have that list... Well, we had Infrastructure Australia, but really that just got nobbled politically almost immediately. Look, we do have to understand that we live in a federation and that they'll spread the money across the states. I accept that. But the thing is you want the highest net value projects in each state, pretty much, because otherwise you're racking up debt and basically for things that have negative net value. Don't you love the way economists speak? "Negative net value." That means it's a dud. (LAUGHTER) Just back to the submarines for a second. I agree with you, governments do make some bad decisions, but we all make bad decisions. -One of them nearly never came up. -Yeah. But again, I guess it's easy to cherry-pick the odd bad decision that governments make, but they make a lot of good ones. I've made some bad decisions too in how I've spent some of my money. JUDITH: But generally not in the billions. No, no, no, it hasn't bankrupted me or anything, but it hasn't bankrupted the government either. I think it's very easy to be cherry-picking some of these bad investment decisions, 'cause they are bad, they're dumb - the submarines is dreadful, car industry assistance, waste of money. Just stop it straightaway. STEPHEN: But the point is that there's a lot of good decisions. Yeah, but you yourself would admit that the decision making is far from rational. STEPHEN: Ah, yes, that's correct. (LAUGHTER) JUDITH: That if you had some... We've got the Productivity Commission, which has been a good institutional organisation. I think if we had something of a similar ilk in respect of kind of assessing these projects and then somehow, in a sense, binding governments. Because the thing is when you rack up debt and you've got nothing to show for it, just think of it personally, this is a really bad outcome. When you rack up debt and you've got an ongoing valuable asset, which you can hand over to your children, it's a completely different ball game. Yeah, and the decisions... Many - not all - but many decisions are politically motivated. Again, it's things like paid parental leave schemes and... -Jess is in favour of that. -I know! We're not, because we've had our children. -(LAUGHTER) -That's not the reason. That's not the reason I'm not interested in it. JUDITH: He could have more, I guess. (LAUGHTER) The issue is to... I've forgotten what I was going to say now! (LAUGHTER) -JUDITH: Thinking about sex. -JESS: Children. -Their mind turns to it quickly. -STEPHEN: It does. The question is just on the bad decisions that are taken and how are decisions actually formulated in government. This is, I think, one of the reasons why Abbott and Hockey have started off so slowly. It's actually hard being in government. They are lobbied within their ministry, they are lobbied from without. And they get all these terrific ideas on the table. And the difficulty of government is actually saying, "Well, where are we going to be spending our money?" Most of the time you hope it's a good decision on where it should be spent, but some of the time, clearly, it's got nothing to do with good economics, it's got everything to do with politics. I think that's the problem that I think that Mr Abbott will have to confront as he sits down and works out his budget strategy for the next few years. So we do have some time for questions if anyone was keen to make their way very quickly to the microphones. It seems like we've agreed that there can be good debt and there can be bad debt. But the good debt is hard to come by and it's hard to identify, which makes it tricky. We've got lots of questions, which is great. We'll go over to my right here, to the gentleman. If you'd like to just say your name, maybe, and then ask your question. G'day, my name's Brendan, I'm Canadian Australian. As an outsider in this country, it's... Well, I guess first off, we actually need more high-profile female economists. -JESS: Got two. -JUDITH: Very good. (LAUGHTER) I come from a family of matriarchs, so it's really great. I guess part of why I say that is what I've observed is that... Maybe gender has nothing to do with it, but Judith is obviously talking about having a moral compass involved in the decisions around how investments are made. Stephen's talking in 1s and 0s. It's more of an investment looking at returns. The question is... Our government policy is to narrowly focus on the numbers like GDP and the growth there without considering other indices around happiness or benefits for future generations. As an outsider, I observe that Australians can sometimes have a sense of entitlement because of the sugar hit of the cash hand-outs as given, which has an impact on the culture and attitudes towards productivity and working hard. And so while you say negative net value, it can still be good for happiness. Yet, it doesn't seem into enter into the discussion about whether or not a dud makes people happier in the long run. I mean, I totally agree with your first point. (LAUGHTER) And also, you seem to be implying that I'm some kind of pussycat. No, he's the pussycat, really. -Yeah, I'm the chardonnay socialist. -(LAUGHTER) I saw you had claws there. It's OK. JUDITH: I'm the sort of libertarian bitch. (LAUGHTER) STEPHEN: No comment! Look, the thing is you really make a fair point because this is this - there are always beneficiaries in virtually... The government goes on about waste. I actually don't think there's much out-and-out waste. There's stuff that has benefits and stuff with attached costs and probably has negative net benefits - see, I'm really good at it - but probably stuff with small net benefits. So the thing for governments, you know, they can't do everything so it's about prioritisation, it's about allocating scarce resources. And that's really why economists are so loathed, I think, even the female ones, because at the end of the day there are projects that have people who would like them and would increase their welfare, that don't make the cut. But I think that's the way of the world. As to the point about GDP... I guess you're saying that GDP doesn't kind of cut it all together, we need wellbeing? I'm OK with that. I just saw that other countries are using different indices... JUDITH: Yeah, Bhutan? Come on, give us a break. Go and live there. (LAUGHTER AND APPLAUSE) And I'll just quickly say that I'm all for things that don't necessarily lead to the bottom line, like building the Opera House - what a waste of money that was! - or New Year's Eve fireworks - what a waste of money that is. -JUDITH: Oh, they are. -(LAUGHTER) No, they're terrific things. Think of the carbon footprint! There are some good things that the public sector spends money on that are wasteful and indulgences and all the rest, but while we're one of the richest countries in the world, let's have more fireworks and more opera houses and... (LAUGHTER) Excellent. Over there, your question. WOMAN: My question goes to Judith. You just said you're for financing long-living assets and you mentioned earlier about libraries are going to end in the future. What are you views on the National... like, the NBN? 'Cause I feel that that would actually support future libraries and that is worth increasing the debt for. What are your views on the NBN? Well, I'm an appalling know-it-all, but I don't think I'm a complete expert on telecommunications policy. I mean, there is going to be a really substantial investment in broadband networking, as I understand it, it's just going to be a different model. It's a really interesting question because you then are interested in what you'd call the delta. You'll get some benefits from Malcolm Turnbull's version. You might get more benefits from Stephen Conroy's, and what's the delta, and was the delta worth it? The delta also has to be worked out in terms of timing. If you can get something sooner rather than later, because economists think in net present value terms, it's better to get it sooner rather than later. But it's a fair point and it's a fair point to discuss. Yeah, one thing with Malcolm Turnbull's plan is that it's still going to use copper wires, some part of it, which will need to be replaced and serviced, which would cost more money for future generations. So that is why optic fibre everywhere would be a much better... It could be, but like... We'd all like to drive Rolls-Royces... I don't think I would, actually. We'd all like to drive fancy cars, but some of us have got the 5-year-old station wagon, and so be it. I really think it's an important point to debate. Yes, over on the right there. My right. My name's Chris. I have two observations/questions. The first is all three of you mentioned the waste of government money and lack of tax collections. I'm interested in your views on the what I think are idiot treaties that we have with countries where the likes of eBay and Google and HP pay next to no tax in Australia. That's the first observation. The second is about our currency. Why don't we cap it like Switzerland does rather than allow the European Economic Community to have a managed currency by virtue of the fact that there's 25 different countries, but one rate, Germany and France and the other big economies get the benefit of the low currency and the US with their hedge funds and their management of the world rates at large. STEPHEN: I'm happy to go on the second one first, because that's the easy one, I think. The floating exchange rate has served us very, very well for 30 years now. Picking a cap - what level would you make it? 1.05, 1, 95, 90, 80, 70? What number? Who decides that? Is it some boffin in treasury or the RBA or, heaven forbid, in Parliament House that decides what level this exchange rate should be? How does Switzerland do it? STEPHEN: Well, they get it wrong. It kills their economy. And they're running out of FX reserve. There's a question there about what happens if we get a... And we're a commodity currency. What happens if you set the exchange rate - just for example, let's say 80 cents - and we get another surge in the terms of trade? We get a rebound in Chinese GDP, the US recovers, and all of a sudden we've got a 20% increase in our terms of trade. The 80 cent exchange rate would lead to huge problems in inflation and while the floating exchange rate does have some issues when it's overvalued and everybody wants to buy our bonds and pushes it higher and these sorts of things, it's the best thing that we've got, I think, and for its faults, I think it's actually not a bad way to be running it, even though it might not be perfect and occasionally it overshoots. JUDITH: On the second issue, it's actually the lack of treaties that's the problem in respect of companies like Apple and Google and the like. They're able to locate their IP assets in a low-tax jurisdiction. Actually, it's great for Ireland. So the only way that's going to get sorted - Australia cannot sort it themselves - is through some international cooperation. It may be the G20. Maybe Joe needs to step up to the plate, use the G20 and the OECD to try and deal with it. Because it's not just an Australian problem. They basically, at the moment, are legally able to transfer their IP assets to that lowest taxing jurisdiction, and then there's all sorts of other complicated legal corporate shenanigans. Yeah, it's a good topic too. JESS: Excellent. We've got time for one more over there. If instead of giving out $900 cash to people, they gave out a $900 gift card that expired after a certain time, would that kind of fiscal stimulus work because they were forced to spend it? That's actually quite a good suggestion. Because what happens... JESS: At Harvey Norman, probably. At the time it was Gerry who... No, no, because what the research showed was that actually a very small proportion overall of the cash handouts was spent immediately. So a lot of people saved it. That's quite an interesting... The use of technology to deal with that issue. So people would get whatever... $900, quite a lot of money! You'd get, say, six months to spend it. I mean, it's a sort of rather paternalistic approach with the Indigenous community, but they get cash cards that can only be used for certain things. You could do that too, but... It's a really good idea. STEPHEN: Just one quick thing too. There was discussion about this in Japan where they've had basically 20 years of deflationary...growth, I suppose, or near recession. There was some discussion that you actually print notes, paper money, with a use-by date. Unless you actually spent it by a given date, it was worthless. So your incentive to spend was actually very, very high, otherwise you end up with this 1,000 yen note that on 31 December is worth nothing. That's one way to get people to spend. JUDITH: You can use it for wallpaper at that point. But do you think it would work? In terms of the multiplier in terms of the economy, getting people to spend money, would that help the economy in a Keynesian way? In the short term yes, but of course, Judith's pointed out the fact that a lot of people saved the money. The fact that they saved it was not necessarily a bad thing, because it actually enhanced their future capacity to borrow and then spend because they'd reduced their debt by $900. In 6 and 12 months time, they found out, "I've actually got a bit more money than I thought," and then they started spending it. JESS: Great. Well, that's all we've got time for today. That was a really lively discussion. I thank you both for that. -JUDITH: We didn't even come to... -JESS: To blows, no. -(LAUGHTER) -Well, yet. -JESS: I think we've all decided... -The green room. ..we're allowed to go have a few red wines as well - just not too many. So thank you very much for being here today and...fantastic. STEPHEN: Thank you. Thanks, Jess. And thank you.
A2 debt judith government stephen spending economy Festival of Dangerous Ideas 2013: Stephen Koukoulas & Judith Sloan - Forget Debt 95 3 Yuquan Ou posted on 2014/05/01 More Share Save Report Video vocabulary