The drama engulfing us right now isn't some mystifying, irrational outbreak of madness on the part of politicians or, indeed, voters.

It's the product of a deeper crisis, a crisis of late capitalism off a particular ideology and orthodoxy that has shaped Britain's.

It's been late 19 seventies, on which fractured under the weight of its own contradictions in 2000 and eight.

Brexit Corbyn Johnson The's shocks and surprises matter a great deal, but they are symptoms off this deeper crisis, not causes on.

We will not meaningfully address that deeper crisis by obsessing over their daily twists and turns.

This isn't alone, administrative mistake or a ghastly dream.

There is no redemptive liberal savior waiting in the wings who will magically turn the clock back to on illusory golden age of centrist technocracy.

When life was calm and sensible and predictable, the foundations upon which that kind of politics was constructed have crumbled.

The battle now is over.

What sort of country we will build from the ruins.

With that in mind, I really tried to do three things.

Firstly, I argued that to make sense of what we're going through, we need to shift our gaze.

For too many journalists and pundits, politics appears to be something that exists solely within the S W one a postcode among the parties and the personalities in the parlor games of Westminster on more so now than ever, as Westminster's traditional structures implode.

Since the financial crisis, fundamental shifts have been taking place in the ways we live the way to work, the distribution of power and autonomy between us, on the stories we tell about the systems that governors and about ourselves.

But until recently, although governments came and went from Gordon Brown to the coalition to a Tory majority, despite all of those formal mutations, the grammar and syntax off institutional power in this country remained the same as the lens through which, by and large, the press evaluated and reported it.

You can find a parallel to this in the American south of the late 19 thirties and forties, when legions of baseball correspondents filed dutiful and scrupulously balanced reports detailing the highlights of each match, the transfers from one team to another, internal dramas that formed the backbone of every season.

And with very few exceptions, none of them ever commented on the fact that at that time US baseball leagues were racially segregated, or that the informal baseball color line was being progressively undermined by a nascent civil rights movement that would go on to transform the country's history.

The correspondence operated within the boundaries of the system they reported under and rarely questioned its underlying structure with wider social forces that were rendering it an anachronism.

Now, albeit in a very different context.

Something similar, I think, has happened in Britain, a massive category error that resulted in most of our political class completely missing the bigger picture.

That disconnect between institutional politics on politics as experienced on the ground explains why, when the former finally caught up with the latter on our electoral landscape began erupting.

So many political experts, the ones we rely upon to interpret and analyze the political terrain on our behalf we left confounded.

It also explains why, for all the noise on fireworks and breathless 24 hour rolling news coverage emanating.

Now, out of Parliaments and Downing Street, viewers and readers rarely come away with any clearer idea of how all this fragmentation and uncertainty at the top is linked with the changes they have experienced in their lives and witnessed in their own communities any clearer idea of how it's enmeshed with the term or below.

So over the past couple of years, as most reporters were flocking towards Westminster to understand why things are falling apart, I've Bean heading the other way.

I ended up sitting in franchised coffee outlets and nondescript office blocks up and down the country, climbing over construction sites and factory ruins, wedging myself into basements and squats and the shadows of glitzy conference halls spending time with people who, far from being anti politics, which is often the term used to describe Popular sentiment in Britain today are actually fiercely political, but whose energies are being channeled into movements and spaces that simply aren't on the radar of lobby correspondents at Westminster.

So the second thing is bring some of those remarkable new political mobilisations into the light from teenagers holding their own radical grassroots education courses.

Two new unions of private renters taking on landlords in the street, two insurgent labour movements led by those on the front line of low pay Britain and to interrogate the disturbances.

These new political mobilizations are causing disturbances that will have a profound impact on us all.

And finally on appropriately, I think, given that it has grown out of the collapse of an ideology that sought to detach great swathes of life from politics to re conceptualize us all as political agents capable of collectively determining our own futures in this moment, when the kaleidoscope has thrown all the pieces up in the air rather than consigning ourselves to a pit bit part role in somebody else's and most importantly, for me at least, alternative forms of politics are beginning to materialize.