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I won't shy away from calling it what it is, far-right thuggery.
In the aftermath of riots in the U.K., fueled by misinformation about migrants and Muslims, the debate about racism and integration has once again taken centre stage.
My guest tonight suggests the riots were the result of legitimate anger over too many migrants.
His critics say that the author and academic who built his career on explaining the rise of the radical right has now been radicalized by it himself.
I'm Mehdi Hassan, and I'll be going head-to-head with the provocative British political commentator
Matthew Goodwin.
I'll challenge him on his views on immigration and why he thinks that a new woke elite is silencing free speech.
I'll also be joined by a panel of experts.
Zoe Gardner, immigration policy expert and campaigner for migrant rights.
Taj Ali, journalist and historian of British South Asian political activism.
And David Goodhart, immigration expert and author.
Matthew Goodwin, thank you for joining me on Head to Head tonight.
You and I have known each other indirectly, online, through conversations, about over a decade now.
But your views are very different, I would argue, to what they were when I knew you back in the U.K. here in 2011, 2012, 2013, when many would say you were a champion of diversity, multiculturalism, immigrants, Muslims.
You were calling out the far right.
Your critics now say, Matt, that you have become, quote, a part of the right populist movement you once sought to explain, that you've gone native with them, that, quote, instead of writing about the radical right, you've become part of it.
So let me start tonight by asking, what happened to you?
Well, as somebody once said, when the facts change, I change my opinion.
And over the last 15 years, I've become convinced that mass immigration is a failure, one of the biggest disasters in recent public policy.
I think the elites in Western countries have fundamentally lost touch with the voters in those countries.
And I think that unless we change course quickly, we're going to have some really big problems.
A lot of people sympathize with that view, of course, although over the summer, we saw a very extreme violent opposition to immigrants, immigration.
The U.K. saw horrific race riots sparked by the murder of three young girls in the town of Southport.
We saw mosques and asylum hotels attacked, police officers attacked, over a thousand people arrested.
In a post for your Substack, you called the people at those riots, quote, ordinary people who feel like they're losing their country and trying to, quote, exercise their voice.
It sounded to a lot of your critics that you were justifying those riots, these horrific racist riots.
We just had an election in this country in July.
That's how you exercise your voice in a democracy, not via rioting when you don't get your way at the ballot box.
Well, protest has always been part of our political DNA.
And obviously, everybody would disassociate themselves from the criminality and the violence in the summer.
I certainly wrote about it.
I condemned it.
But as Mark Easton and other liberal commentators at the time noted, there were also ordinary people protesting about what has been happening to their country.
And that isn't just about mass migration.
It's also about the breakdown of borders.
It's about feeling unsafe in their own community, in their own country.
And for people who engage in violence, they should have been rounded up and sent to prison, as many of them were.
But there were lots of peaceful protesters at those events as well.
And the polling afterwards, Mehdi, you know, was quite revealing.
Over 60 percent of Brits said, yes, I blame the people who engage in violence.
But actually, 63 percent said, I blame recent government immigration policy for these protests.
And what I was trying to do in that piece is to say, look, there is clearly a lot more going on here than these idiots and morons who are trying to set fire to a hotel or attack a mosque.
What we have in this country is a social fabric that is breaking down, and we need to talk about it.
It was mixed polling.
I mean, YouGov also found that the protests, even the protests were only supported by one in three Britons, 34 percent.
In fact, only one in six said that people causing unrest had legitimate concerns.
It's interesting that you say you condemn the violence, but in your big substat post on the riots, you only condemned the violence against the police.
You did not condemn the violence against Muslims, Asians, the attack on a mosque in Southport.
There was not one word from you about that, and you wrote a 2,000-word piece.
Well, I'm sure I did at the time, and I condemn it now.
I think nobody in their right mind would say that was somehow excusable.
But clearly, what was going on there was a bit like during the BLM protests in 2020.
We had a national conversation about the legitimate injustices that underpinned those protests.
It did result in the injury of 30 police officers and lots of unrest in America, as you know better than me.
Cities like Portland were largely devastated by protests and anarchism.
But yet we still had this mature conversation about what is going on here.
Just to be clear, the Black Lives Matter protests were not like this.
Ninety percent of the protests in the U.S., according to one academic study, showed they were peaceful.
There was no comparison.
Preeti Patel, not known as a kind of liberal, muesli-eating, sandal-wearing leftist, hardcore right-wing Home Secretary under the Conservatives, said there's a clear difference between that and then.
She says what we saw during the pandemic protests, the BLM protests, was protest.
This is a complete distinction.
This is burning down of places of worship, thuggery, violence, racism.
OK, but the issue is, for lots of people, what these events became was a proxy for this underlying issue that we've never in this country been able to get on top of, which is we promise the British people one thing, which is control and lower migration, and then we do another.
Preeti Patel is an interesting example.
You say she's hard right.
I'd say she's the most pro-immigration Home Secretary we've ever had in this country.
Now, if you're a Conservative voter in Northern England, you were promised in 2019 lower migration, lower oval numbers and a high-skill policy.
And then the government that you elected gives you the absolute opposite of that, puts everything on steroids and says to hell with you, you're going to be frustrated and you're going to be angry.
I just want to deal with these riots issues because you say you condemn it now, you didn't condemn it in your post.
You even wrote sympathetically, Matt, about a woman who went to prison in the UK because according to you, quote, she wrote something very offensive on Facebook and you objected to that.
Can you tell us what she said?
Yeah, she was a full-time carer for her husband and she wrote something along the lines of they should blow up this mosque.
And I think she said something hideous.
Blow the mosque up with the adults in it?
You don't think that merits a prison sentence?
If somebody writes something on social media in their own home, however offensive I might find it, I don't think they should go to prison.
That's my personal opinion.
You don't think people can incite violence on social media?
It doesn't matter whether she's in her home.
If it's clear incitement, they should be in prison.
Blow the mosque up with adults in it?
She also very quickly deleted it.
She expressed sorrow.
I believe in Christian notions of forgiveness.
If somebody says I'm sorry, I say give you a second chance.
How many Muslims have gone to prison over the last 20 years for saying much less than that on social media?
Well, I can disagree with that.
It's the same principle as non-crime hate incidents.
I think what we're living through is an Orwellian imposition from above that I think lots of people in this country, the home of individual liberty, common law, Magna Carta, repel against.
I'm one of them.
I don't think we should be doing that.
Here's what really bothered a lot of people about your post and actually really undermines,
I would argue, one of the key arguments you make in your book.
You say we should treat people as individuals.
Don't become obsessed with group identities, ethnic identities, racial identities.
And yet you wrote about the guy accused of murdering these three little girls, that he was the son of immigrants from Rwanda.
Why is it relevant that the suspect is the British son of Rwandan immigrants?
He ultimately was a product of migration.
He was a second generation migrant.
We know from a lot of research that cultural practices, traditions, values, different ways of life tend to pass down from first to second, third generation.
We know he came from a very conflict-ridden society, Rwanda.
We have no idea what his motivation is.
The police don't know.
What do you know that they know?
Well, one of those potential motivations, let's see what happens.
But why didn't you wait to see what happens before you made a kind of slur against Rwandan immigrants?
Because the fact is, this ultimately was a symbol, I think.
How is it a symbol?
It's got nothing to do with his parents.
Unless you have some evidence that the police don't have.
As I said in the original piece, for many Brits, what happened in the 12 days of that hot summer, we saw young British Muslim lads assaulting police officers in Manchester airport.
We saw a young second generation lad stabbing a British army officer almost to death.
What's that got to do with your description of the attack?
Just hear me out.
In the course of a week, we saw the South End machete gangs, mass violence.
We had the riots in Leeds.
We had evidence of communalism in other parts of the country.
We had sectarianism at the general election just a month before.
In your opinion?
Is it not a fact?
This is your opinion?
I think for lots of Brits, when you put that together and you look at the course of those things, I think what 2024 will come back to be seen as was really a watershed moment in our debate over...
I understand, but you're avoiding the question, Matt.
You are!
I'm coming to the central point, which is...
Please, deal with the child of Rwandan immigrants.
I want to nail this down.
Is Britain an integrated society, and do the people who are coming into Britain...
What evidence do you have?
You seem to be implying all sorts of things.
We know nothing about...
Well, I think going out and doing a mass stabbing and going on a murder rampage...
A mass stabbing is very British.
Sorry to break it to you.
A lot of British people do stabbings and killings.
This kid was a Brit.
Is a Brit.
Or is he not a Brit to you?
It depends how you define national identity.
Wow.
So am I not a Brit?
No, I think it's do you respect the country that you live in, and do you follow the rule of law?
So it's a conditional citizenship?
It's not conditional.
You just said it depends on whether you respect the country you live in.
For somebody who doesn't want to judge people on group identities, why are you bringing up the parents of this kid?
Do you have any evidence?
We have lots of evidence.
You do?
Well, science has lots of evidence that the second, third generation migrants bring over certain cultural habits, traits, practices.
Murder?
No, but for example, second generation British Muslims, for example, will express higher levels of religiosity.
He was a Muslim.
That's part of the problem.
No, but the underlying point...
No, because you're dodging the point here.
This guy was the son of Rwandan immigrants, and you cannot explain to this audience why you thought it was relevant to bring that up.
I've just explained.
Because Muslims bring communal practices.
No, I've said I think it's obviously about immigration.
He is a product of immigration.
That had nothing to do with us.
How do we know?
We don't, but you're the one making the claim, not me.
I'm saying, in the context of that week, there are lots of questions to ask about to what extent was this guy integrated into wider society.
So don't ask the questions.
Don't make sweeping statements.
Here's the problem, Matt.
Your critics would say that you used to be an academic.
You sat on the Conservative coalition government's anti-Muslim hatred working group.
You used to gather data.
You used to analyse it in a sober way.
Now they say you just go on the right wing TV channel, GB News.
You write columns on the Daily Mail.
There's lots of left people on GB News.
You spout off, though.
You cut corners.
This is what they say.
You push unfounded claims.
You said on GB News, for example, falsely, and I quote, more than 50% of social housing in London is now occupied by people who are not British.
This is not acceptable.
Well, forget not being acceptable.
It's not true.
I think it's about that.
It's not.
I think it's about 47%.
It's not, actually.
The percentage of people who are not British in London social housing is about 14%.
85% of people are British citizens.
No, so my view would be, in terms of housing, we're in the middle of a housing crisis.
I think we should have a principle of national preference in our housing market.
We do.
85% of people in London are British who are in social housing.
You falsely said that more than 50% are not British.
That's false.
No.
Across the country, more generally.
Across the country, it's 90% according to the Ministry of Housing.
When we were allocating social housing, we also used to take into account things like commitment to the community, looking after property, etc.
We don't really do that anymore.
That's a fair point.
That's not what you said, though.
I just want to go with what you said, Matt, with respect.
More than 50% of social housing in London is now occupied by people who are not British.
That is not true.
I'd need to look at the statistics.
We have the statistics.
According to the London government, the figure in London is 84%.
According to the 2021 census data, only 14% of Londoners living in social housing did not hold a UK passport.
This has been pointed out to you for the last year.
In fact, you went back on GB News and corrected it and said 48% go to people who are headed by people who are not born in Britain, which is a different point.
But you would accept the vast majority of people in social housing are British?
I'd need to look at the data.
I've got the data.
It's right here.
It's right here.
You can read it.
Copy it and paste it.
I think the fact that 48% of social housing in this country has gone to families that are headed by somebody who is not born in the country is a problem.
So that's a different argument, with respect.
Let's talk about that argument.
Let's have that.
Let's have that argument.
You were wrong on the first point.
I don't think I was wrong on the first point.
You're 100% wrong.
Well, I'd like to look at the data.
The Mayor of London, the census data.
I don't think the Mayor of London would be a credible source on that.
OK, so you...
The London government...
The London government don't know who the...
All right, how about...
It's a highly political figure.
All right, how about the Ministry of Housing, 90% of social homes go to UK nationals.
You're making some sweeping claims and they're wrong.
You also said on right-wing channel GB News that, I bet nobody knew this, but it's not a criminal offence to hire illegal immigrants in this country.
That's not true either.
You can be sent to jail for five years, according to the British government.
No, I don't think that's right.
You can hire, under certain conditions, people that haven't got full-time...
If you didn't know, we checked with the Department of Justice.
You can be sent to jail for five years if you're found guilty of employing someone who knew or had reasonable cause to believe did not have the right to work in the UK.
What you said on GB News was just false.
Why, for example, have the French spent much of the last year saying that we are a soft touch when it comes to illegal migration?
Maybe the French, like you, didn't check the facts.
Can I...
No, well, maybe...
Who do I trust?
The French Interior Minister...
You trust the French Interior Minister over our own Ministry of Justice?
No, what I'm saying is it's very easy in the UK to game the system, a lot easier than it is in other European countries.
Matt, I agree with you, but that's a different point.
No, it isn't a different point.
It is, Matt.
This is my whole point.
All of this...
You can make legitimate arguments, but you don't.
You say things that are flat false.
All of this is coming back to the central point, which runs through the riots, immigration, the rise of populism, and so on, which is, firstly, do people feel safe in their own country?
And secondly, do they feel...
Well, they should feel safe.
Crime is at record lows.
Do they feel that this country treats everybody fairly?
There is a widespread perception out there that this country does not treat people fairly.
It treats...
Maybe...
More...
Maybe there's a widespread perception because they see people on TV who are professors giving false statistics about immigrants.
No, I don't...
I don't think that's true.
The ODR last week, as you know, the Office of Budget Responsibility, showed quite conclusively that low-wage, low-skill, non-selective migration of the sort that we're now bringing into this country, largely because of decisions taken under the previous Conservative governments, is costing for each low-skill, low-wage migrant £150,000 if they live to the age of 60, half a million if they live to the age of 80.
Mass migration is not only taking more out of the economy that it's putting in...
Hold on, hold on, hold on.
You just jumped from low-skilled to mass migration.
This is, again, your critics are...
No, no, no, no, no, no, no, no.
Because...
Did you read the report?
Because you should be fair to this audience and say, the same report said that average migrant worker pays more in tax than they receive in public services throughout their lives.
Of all the visas we gave out over the last two years, what percentage do you think went to high-skilled workers?
I don't know.
You can tell me.
I don't have to hand.
Do you not have the facts?
I mean, you're going to tell me, but then you were wrong about social housing, so I don't know if it's going to be correct.
13%.
OK.
OK.
But the British public want low-skilled workers.
You know that, right?
No, they don't.
Yeah, they do.
Ipsos-Moray polling from earlier this year.
Well, now you're making stuff up.
I worked in this field for 15 years.
I mean, you don't, with respect, February 2024, Ipsos-Moray polling, 51% of Brits want more doctors, 50%, 52% want more nurses.
They're not low-skilled, mate.
I'm getting there.
A plurality, 4 in 10, want to see more care home workers, and 39%, another plurality, want to see more fruit trees.
4 in 10.
It's not 4 in 10.
Plurality, more than are opposed.
You know what a plurality is, right?
Matt, you're a professor, I'm not.
So I think Britain is a remarkably fair and tolerant country.
Where I think we've gone wrong is we've been saying to people, we're going to give you a small amount of high-skilled migration that will contribute to things like the NHS, maybe parts of social care, although we should be fixing the social care system ourselves.
What we've instead done is we've liberalised the whole system, and we've now brought in lots of low-skilled, low-wage migration, which is now taking more out of the economy, so everybody else has to pay more in tax than they would otherwise have to do.
I think that's wrong.
I think we need to be able to talk about it.
I agree.
And I think economists do disagree on that.
No, they don't disagree.
They do, actually.
Let's go to our panel.
Zoe Gardner is an immigration policy expert, campaigner for migrant rights.
Zoe, what's your reaction to what you've been hearing from Matt?
One of the things that you do is you muddy the waters about what we're talking about.
So the last couple of years, yes, we've had historically very high rates of net immigration overall.
All the evidence shows that's dropping off a cliff again now.
However, you then go straight from that and talk all about small boats, and you call it an invasion.
And the threat behind that inflammatory language is always about these big, big numbers.
But last year, asylum seekers making the crossing across the channels on small boats made up 5.5% of immigration.
I feel like maybe you're misrepresenting and distorting this issue.
When, in fact, the vast majority of the immigration to this country in the last few years that was high was driven by Ukrainians, Hong Kongers, students, and care workers.
And we have had polling that looks at people's reaction to the plummeting numbers of health and social care workers that are coming to the country.
And 67% of the country say that's bad news.
David Goodhart is here.
David is head of the Demography Immigration Integration Unit at the Think Tank Policy
Exchange.
You're someone who's been critical of mass immigration also in recent years, including on this show previously.
Were you worried to see the opposition to mass migration turn into what we saw it turn into in August?
Did that shock you, stun you, concern you?
Yeah, of course it did.
But I also think, as Matt has said, there are lots of different things motivating the people that took part.
Quite a lot of the protesting was perfectly peaceful.
It was ordinary families.
There was a racist fringe involved.
But we're talking about poor white people who are really pissed off and have lots of different reasons for being pissed off.
Immigration becomes a sort of symbolic motivation for some of them, not all of them.
And I think we need to sort of look at what is pissing people off.
And there's de-industrialisation, globalisation, the erosion of national sovereignty.
Does racism play a part in your analysis?
We saw racism expressed.
It doesn't mean to say we've become a racist country.
No, I didn't ask that.
I just said racism in terms of the opposition.
When it's still like 3% of people in Britain think you have to be white to be truly British, only 5% of people would feel uncomfortable if an immigrant lived next door to them.
We remain a very liberal country.
200,000 people said they opened their house to a Ukrainian.
To be fair, 4 million people voted for a guy who said he doesn't want Romanians living next to him.
But let me bring in Taj Ali, journalist, historian on South Asian activism in the UK.
You reported on the riots yourself, I believe.
What do you make of what you've heard just now from David and from Matt about it?
Well, I completely agree that we need to be tough on the causes of the riots.
And the causes of the riots was racism, Islamophobia, the demonisation of ethnic minority communities.
And it's been happening for a very long time.
It's true that there are many pissed off white people.
I live with those pissed off white people in Luton.
I also live with poor black and Asian working class people who are always ignored from our definitions of what constitutes the working class.
They also live in areas that have been devastated by deindustrialisation, by austerity and by cuts to public services.
They don't go around attacking people who look different to them or trying to burn down hotels, housing refugees or desecrating graves or making sure that people like my mum and my sister who wear the hijab feel unsafe.
I was hearing stories from people who were attacked on the streets.
There was one woman in Belfast who was holding her baby and she was punched in the face.
And yes, many of these people do live in very poor parts of the country.
And I absolutely believe that we have to tackle the issues surrounding deindustrialisation.
We need to address material concern.
We need to address poverty.
And we also need to address radicalisation of young white working class boys.
And a lot of that radicalisation is taking place by people like Tommy Robinson, Nigel
Farage and I'm afraid to say Matthew Goodwin as well.
Do you want to respond?
I think it's very easy just to look at what's going on within white working class communities.
We do forget one in three black and minority ethnic voters opted for Brexit.
But just look at where the riots were.
There's a reason the riots were so intense in Rotherham.
Because in many of those communities, people had watched the systematic sexual exploitation of young white women at the hands of Pakistani Muslim gangs.
So what I'd like to do is just push the morons to one side, go to prison if they try to attack a mosque or if they set fire to a hotel.
I'm not interested in those people.
Let's just get serious about the social fabric in this country and start dealing with the underlying issues that we have.
Lower migration, fix the borders.
You might not like the word invasion, Zoe.
The definition of invasion is an unwanted incursion into one's territory.
139,000 people since 2018, many of whom, some of whom are losing their lives.
What about Zoe's point about the boats, that you're cherry picking the numbers again?
139,000.
You're obsessed with boats.
I saw a photo of you in a boat.
It's 5.5% of the numbers.
Even if we were to stop all the boats tomorrow, you'd still be complaining about the other 94.5%.
What's the number one issue in the country right now?
It's immigration.
Because we're having a debate over immigration?
No, it's because we have never gone through a demographic shift in this country to this degree.
Do you know when people had much, much less positive positions towards migration?
You know when people really hated immigrants and there were scenes of violence, like we saw this summer on the streets back in the 80s, back in the 90s, when immigration was at the levels that you claim to want now.
The actual truth is, hostility to immigration doesn't go up with the rate of immigration.
We have the most positive attitudes towards immigration in this country that we've ever had.
I agree.
Isn't it true that actually, the people who are concerned about immigration are not concerned because of the numbers, they're concerned because of people like you?
We're out of time for this half, I want to give Matt the last word before we go to a break.
Look, I think we need to understand that 139,000 people entering the country illegally, breaking the law, is a problem.
For many people in this country, we have a sense of fairness and fair play.
If you violate that, people get very concerned about it.
You want to get rid of populism, strengthen the borders, get people to come through legal routes.
It's not that difficult.
There aren't many legal routes for asylum seekers.
We will have to take a break at this point.
In part two of the show, I'll be talking to Matt Goodwin about his provocative thesis in his book about who really runs Britain, who really is influencing the direction of travel.
Stick around for part two of Head to Head.
Welcome back to Head to Head on Al Jazeera English.
My guest today is the author Matthew Goodwin.
We've been talking about immigration, populism, the riots here in the UK.
We're going to hear in this half from our very patient audience here in London's Conway
Hall.
Before we get to them, Matt, let's talk about the broader point you make in the book and elsewhere.
See, I'm 45 years old.
You're two years younger than me, I think.
In my lifetime, our lifetime, the Conservatives have governed this country for 32 years.
That's more than two-thirds of the time that you and I have been alive.
But according to you, we've been governed by a liberal elite for 50 years.
What are you talking about?
Yeah.
Well, I don't actually quite say that.
What I'm saying...
You literally said that.
What I'm...
You literally said that.
For much of the last 50 years, your words in your book.
What I'm saying is, there is an old elite that is still very visible, but what I'm arguing is within the elite in this country and all Western democracies, there is now a battle underway and the new elite, which is not really defining itself by wealth and money, it is defining itself by its social liberalism, its radical, woke progressivism, comes from universities, affluent families, lives in the cities.
But they haven't ruled the country for 50 years, have they?
They wield now, unlike anything we've seen before.
You didn't say now.
You said much of the last 50 years.
Can I...
To the creative industries, the universities, production, television, publishing, they are...
They've amassed immense cultural power and economic power.
I'm not disputing the cultural power.
I'm saying...
And they are...
You said...
...changing the national conversation.
But not for the last 50 years.
That's just wrong.
Margaret Thatcher was prime minister.
It depends.
I mean, Daniel Bell was writing in the 1970s, an academic, and he said...
But there was no elite running this country that was a liberal elite in the 80s.
I'm just...
It's not true.
What he said is the elite class...
Let me just make one point.
Unlike the old elite, today's elite derive their status by denigrating their own country, denigrating the West.
They derive their status by saying, actually, I am institutionally...
Hold on.
Hold on.
Hold on.
Hold on.
Are you in the new elite?
Are you in the new elite?
In the past, I would say I'm a renegade member of the university class.
That's what I would say.
But you're not in the new elite?
Well, my family are working...
But are you in the new elite?
I don't really think so.
Because you just said the new elite denigrate this country.
I saw a tweet from you where you said London's a...hole.
It sounds like you're the one denigrating the country.
Eddie.
Eddie.
Eddie.
Not the central...
I hate to break the news, but London is not the country.
London is the capital city of this country.
I've been coming in and out of London for 40 years.
Fair enough.
You and I both know London is not what it used to be.
I think it's better.
In what world is Carol Vorderman, the TV presenter who did sums on Countdown, or Gary Lineker, a footballer who not only didn't go to Oxbridge, which is part of your definition, he didn't go to any university.
How are they the new elite, the ruling class, while Rishi Sunak, Boris Johnson, multimillionaires who were literally prime minister, they're not the elite, but Lineker and Vorderman are.
This sounds ridiculous as a definition.
Of course they are.
Just people you disagree with.
As you know, there is competition within the elite.
There are different groups of elites.
How is Lineker in the elite?
He didn't go to university.
Gary Lineker has immense cultural power.
But he didn't go to university.
Your definition is Oxbridge or Russell Group.
I've read your definition.
As you know, in all things there are outliers.
There are conservatives as well as Labour people.
You can point to conservatives, I'm sure.
Let's think about somebody who is actually away from the vibes-based policy.
I actually thought Boris Johnson was kind of like a bohemian liberal, really.
I just find this definition of an elite that just pulls in TV presenters but excludes bankers and prime ministers to be a very odd definition.
In fact, you've said that I'm in the new elite.
I read your Sun piece.
You said I'm in the new elite, which is hilarious because out of the two of us, you're the guy who has sat on government commissions.
You're the guy who dances with politicians at parties.
You say on your website that you've privately briefed prime ministers and presidents.
You've been invited to speak at the US State Department, the European Commission, Google,
Deutsche Bank, UBS, JP Morgan, Rothschild, Trilateral Commission, and Goldman Sachs.
I haven't been invited to speak at any of those places.
So how am I the elite and you're not?
Well, firstly, as you know, we don't share the same sets of values, and I would argue your values reflect this new elite.
So now you're defining elites based on just people you disagree with, which is what I said two minutes ago.
It's not based on any kind of actual life experience.
I think you derive a sense of moral righteousness, a sense of grandiosity.
As do you.
As do you.
Both of us do.
Yes, by projecting a set of socially liberal, radically progressive values, you're quite skeptical of, let's say, Western nations, history and so forth.
And I think in the axis of elite competition, your group are winning at the moment.
I think they are accumulating lots of cultural power.
Really?
But how come you're the one who's speaking at Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan, UBS, Rothschild,
Deutsche Bank?
That's not elite.
Those are not the elite?
You're trying to brush the financial elites, the people with all the money, from any discussion.
No, no.
Very convenient.
I'm very critical of some of those people.
Then why are you speaking at all the banks?
If you want to understand why so many people in the West are turning to Trump, are turning to Le Pen, are turning to the AFD, are turning to Nigel Farage, I'll give you one reason.
It's because what's happened is much of the elite class has moved so far to the cultural left on gender issues.
Little boys can become girls, and little girls can become boys, and hating Western countries and their history, and saying that we should be ashamed of who we are.
And most voters do not think like that.
So what I'm arguing is if the elite class wants to stop this populist rebellion, they need to get back in touch with the values of ordinary people.
And I'm saying to you that your elite class definition is nonsensical.
You are a Reform Party supporter.
You mentioned fraud, just to be clear.
This is the most elite party in the UK.
Cosplaying.
Well, I'm not actually a member of the Reform Party.
You literally told people to vote for reform.
I think reform is a vessel.
It's a vehicle.
But you told people to vote for reform, Matt.
There's no point backing away from what you did.
You told people to vote for reform.
It's the most elite party in the UK.
It has five MPs.
Four of the five Reform Party MPs are Richard Tice, private schoolboy, multi-millionaire
CEO, Nigel Farage, private schoolboy, city trader, Rupert Lowe, private schoolboy, investment banker, James McMurdoch, investment banker.
I found your elite, Matt.
They're called the Reform Party.
It's also...
I mean, they are.
Very good.
It's also got...
They are, aren't they?
The Reform Party's also got a more working class electorate than the Labour Party.
What about the elite?
What about the people in Parliament?
Of course they're elite.
Of course they're elites in the party.
Finally, we can agree.
As you know, politics in this country is broken.
Both of the big parties are not speaking to the values of ordinary people.
Your definition of ordinary people is different to mine.
Let's go to the panel who are waiting patiently.
Zoe Gardner is an immigration policy expert, campaigner for migrant rights.
Zoe, do you recognise this idea of a new elite shaping the national composition?
What do you think?
Well, I think you hit the nail on the head, didn't you?
Because he's excluding everybody with real financial and political power from his definition of the new elite.
The reality is, is that almost in the entirety of our media ecosystem in the UK is owned by literally a small handful of billionaire men, right?
One example would be Paul Marshall.
He's the majority shareholder of GB News, your spiritual home.
He just bought the Spectator magazine.
But all of us ordinary people have felt the pinch, have felt that we're getting poorer.
He's now a billionaire.
And he has been shown to share really radical extremists and nasty racist content online.
He is the type of person who has the real power to set the agenda of the narrative in the UK.
What you're talking about, the idea that the left sets the narrative on migration in the
UK, it's just not realistic for anybody who's opened a newspaper in the last 30 years.
I'm going to bring in both other panellists and get you to respond to all three.
David Goodhart is the founder, former member of Prospect, former editor of Prospect magazine.
He's now at the Policy Exchange think tank.
David, you've written about elites as well in the past, if I remember correctly.
I know you live in London.
You went to Eton.
You studied at what is now a Russell Group University.
You've had an influential role in the media.
Do you think you're a member of the new elite or the old elite?
What kind of like you two?
I'm a kind of mixture of the two.
I mean, you're private school and Oxbridge, if I'm right.
Matt is a more kind of meritocratic figure than you in many ways.
I mean, I wrote a book a few years ago called The Road to Somewhere, in which I talked about the people that see the world from anywhere and the people that see the world from somewhere.
And I think that is quite an important, quite useful sort of social, psychological way of looking at populism.
The anywhere's are a minority, overwhelmingly highly educated, mobile, believe in openness and autonomy.
Some ways tend to be much more rooted.
Their identities are much more connected to place and group.
So they're much more discomforted by radical change.
And both of the worldviews, the more liberal worldview of the anywhere's is perfectly decent and legitimate, as is the worldview of the somewhere's.
The problem is the anywhere's have been overdominant in our society for the last 30 years.
Taj, you were with Tribune magazine.
You're on the left of politics.
Matt thinks the left is cultural, left dominant, powerful.
Do you, A, agree with that?
And B, what do you make of the argument that Zoe mentioned as well?
It's the billionaires who are getting away with not being scrutinized while we focus on Gary Lineker?
When we talk about elites, we're talking about class here.
We're talking about people struggling to put a roof over their heads, money in their pockets, food on the table.
That's what annoys people about the elites, that there is one way of living for them and one way of living for the over 160 billionaires in this country that have a lot of money.
If you want to tackle elites, why are we not talking about taxing the rich?
Why are we not talking about redistribution?
Why are we not talking about investing in many of those communities that saw rioting?
No, we're talking about culture wars because we don't want to talk about class.
We would rather talk about culture wars.
We'd rather try and play this game of division and the blame game, rather than dealing with the central issue that for many, many years, we have seen a lack of investment in working class communities.
The wealthiest in society are getting away with a lot and we're not holding them to account.
I want to tackle the elite as much as everyone else, but that's not what we are talking about.
So Zoe and Taj are both suggesting that you are focused on culture wars, not redistribution of wealth, and it's partly to protect people like Sir Paul Marshall who owned GB News that you appear on.
You don't talk about him as an elite member.
Well, firstly, I would disagree with the characterisation of Paul Marshall, who I do know.
Is he not a billionaire?
He doesn't share those views that you...
He did on social media, Matt.
You know this.
We know he's shared Islamophobic tweets on social media.
I think David hit the nail on the head when he said, the problem we have today is that the elite that I'm talking about represent about 20% of the country.
If you look at the British Social Attitude Survey, people tend to forget this in London.
Only 20% of Brits are strongly and consistently liberal on lots of issues.
Yet, if you were to look at the national conversation or the policies of the past...
Come on, Matt.
You're cherry-picking again.
The vast majority of the public agree with what Taj just said.
They support redistribution.
I'm just going to come to that.
They support redistribution.
I'm just going to come to that.
Those overwhelmingly reflect the liberal priorities of this new ruling class.
The issue...
And I agree with everything Taj said, actually.
If you read this book, I'm very critical of things like Thatcher's economic legacy, for example.
But there's a difference.
The new elite are also advocating beliefs because of their class.
Instead of deriving status from money and wealth, they now derive their status from these luxury beliefs, like, well, let's preach radical gender ideology to children.
Let's defund or scale back the police, or let's have loose, open borders.
Let's go to our audience who've been waiting patiently here in London's Conway Hall.
Raise your hands if you'd like to come in and ask a question.
We're going to go to the lady here in the front row in the dress.
I just want to ask, why do you keep using words such as invasion when you refer to migrants, when you know, you're fully aware about the incendiary impact that it has?
Yeah.
I think, as I said, I think a definition is an unwanted incursion into somebody's territory.
And I think that's what's happening.
People asking for asylum are invading Britain.
I think they're breaking the law.
I think they're illegally breaking the law.
Matt Goodwin of 10, 12 years ago, who I knew, he would have been disgusted with this language.
As you know, under Tony Blair and New Labour, there was a very realistic, pretty tough position on illegal migration and a broken asylum system.
I have moved slightly over the last 15 years, but nowhere near as much as the ruling class in this country.
But you're using the language of the far right, Matt.
That's what I'm asking you about.
I don't personally think I'm using the language of the far right.
Chloe made reference to a film that I made called How to Stop the Invasion.
And the reason I did that is because I wanted to say to the British people, OK, if you actually want to solve this, there are three things you need to do to solve it.
You need to leave the ECHR, you need to reform the Human Rights Act, and we need an active deterrent.
Because I don't want...
Again, to go back to our discussion, you can say those three things, totally legitimate to want to leave the ECHR.
This is a legitimate political debate.
But using language that Holocaust survivors have said reminds them of the Nazi Holocaust.
Using the language that the shooter in the Pittsburgh Tree of Life synagogue used, invasion of migrants.
That is disgusting.
That's very cheap political position.
It's the language of the far right, Matt.
No, I don't think...
You don't feel bad?
I don't play the guilt by association game.
I want to fix the crisis.
I want to fix the...
I mean, you're the one associating yourself with the far right by using their language.
No, I don't.
As I've said, it's an unwanted incursion into territory.
You can make that point without using the language that Holocaust survivors are saying, please don't use.
All right.
Let's go back to the audience.
Gentleman here in the front.
The government's very concerned about misinformation.
Shouldn't citizens be much more concerned about either a lack of information or deliberate suppression of information?
I'm thinking particularly of government agencies.
This is very worrying in an open, free society.
Briefly, do you agree with that?
So during the riots, what we saw was an attempt by many to say this is about misinformation.
And there was some misinformation, a lot of misinformation online.
But in the immigration debate, what really irritates me is people say, well, voters are misinformed.
Here's what's happening right now.
The Department for Work and Pensions, they're not making any data available on welfare claimants by nationality or immigration status.
You don't get detailed information on things like welfare credits and tax credits.
So I'm having a debate with Mehdi, and he's saying immigration is good for the country.
I'm saying, how about this?
If you're so confident in this experiment, and you care so much about information and transparency, why don't we get all the data out there, and let's look at what effect immigration is having?
Because across Europe, the data is clear.
It's a net fiscal cost.
Europe's having an aging crisis.
Let's see how they do without immigrants.
OK, let's go back to the audience.
Yes, sir.
You say that you want to look at the underlying causes of the problems.
How do you justify stopping at the immigrant always and never actually looking at the underlying causes of an economic system that harms white British people, sons of immigrants, daughters of immigrants, immigrants, harms everyone, but yet you only stop at the immigrant as the cause of everything?
So in this book, I make the specific point that mass migration is being used by big business, by global corporations to keep their costs low, to keep their profits high, and to keep this broken economic model that you're all living in here in this country, which is a consumption-driven model.
GDP is flat.
GDP per capita is going down.
Mass immigration isn't giving us what we were promised.
Economy is not dynamic.
It's not productive.
So I talk about those economic issues all the time.
I agree with you.
All right.
It's interesting, though, because he asked about the economic system.
You went immediately back to immigration.
What about actual bosses exploiting workers, not paying enough tax, tax evasion?
You don't mention any of that.
No, but this is one of the biggest things we have to solve as a country.
All right.
Gentleman there, second in with the glasses and the beard.
Why do you think that we shouldn't actually be celebrating how the UK has been integrating minorities?
Segregation has gone down.
Education attainment is actually getting better and better and better from migrant communities.
Actually, the UK has done a really good job when it comes to integrating migrants compared to Europe and elsewhere.
Shouldn't we be celebrating our country rather than denigrating it?
On the education system, I completely agree with you.
It's one of the examples why Britain is not an institutionally racist society.
Children from minority backgrounds are outperforming their white counterparts at every level of the education system.
That's remarkable.
I see that all the time in the university.
But I don't think you can look at Britain in 2024 after everything we've seen this year and say this is an integrated country where immigration and multiculturalism are working.
I would like us to try and be a bit realistic when we look at communalism, when we look at the riots, when we look at a lot of the evidence.
I would dispute your claim that segregation is going down.
I think there's a lot of research to suggest it's going up.
I was struck by Ed Hussain's book Among the Mosques, where he made a very important point.
He said if you're a young British Muslim in parts of this country, and he turned up unannounced at mosques across the country, he said you can go your whole day without ever really interacting with the white British majority.
I don't think that should happen in this country.
All right, let's go back to the audience.
Lady for throwback here.
You talk about a policy of mass immigration, but you seem to conflate all forms of immigration together, often focusing around the small boats rather than all the different forms of immigration.
We have an aging population.
We have a decreasing work age population that we need to support.
Public visas, 60% of those are going to the health sector, which I think most people recognize as no need.
So what would your response to that be?
Yeah, I mean, on the economics of mass migration, I think that the case is falling apart very rapidly.
If you look at the evidence from Denmark, the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, now the
UK, we have not had controlled migration.
It's gone the opposite.
Net migration was 250,000 in 2010.
It's now about 700,000.
We've had the most pro-immigration governments that we've had.
Matt, again, the cherry picking, the 700,000 you know was to do with specific factors, not every year.
In fact, the ONS is predicting it's going to go down in coming years.
Both the OBR and the ONS assume now ongoing we're going to have net migration of between three and 400,000.
But not 700,000.
But as you know, historically, those are still very large numbers.
I'll give you just one stat.
She's asking about specific types.
No, I'm saying what we mainly now have, largely thanks to Boris Johnson and the Conservative government, is very costly forms of low-wage, low-skill migration.
And by the way, on the ageing point, this is an important point.
On ageing societies, let me ask you one question.
Why has Canada, liberal, super woke Canada, changed its mind on mass immigration?
Why has it done that?
Because it's realised what everybody else is realising.
We're creating a population trap.
Our populations are growing so quickly they're exceeding the capacity of the state to provide basic public services.
Hold on, I've got to go back to the audience, David.
Lady there, yes.
Matt, aren't you targeting certain religions and certain races when you talk about your opposition to mass migration and immigration?
Who would you think that I'm targeting?
No, you tell me who you're targeting.
I'm very supportive of Hong Kong migration.
I'm supportive of Ukrainian migration.
I'm supportive of high-skill...
And who aren't you supportive of?
You're not supportive of Afghan asylum seekers coming from Afghanistan, a country we wrecked?
I don't particularly...
My issue, what I'm trying to say is, I think if we had net migration at around 100,000 and it was high-skill, I don't really care where it comes from, it was high-skill...
But the British public don't want just high-skilled immigration.
We would...
They do.
No, that's not true.
We don't need just high-skilled people.
Hold on, Matt, I gave you the Ipsos numbers.
People want more fruit pickers.
Cherry picking, Matty.
I gave you the Ipsos numbers.
They want more fruit pickers and they want more care workers.
Low-skill migration is always the most unpopular form of migration.
That's right.
But the beauty of the polling you do, Matt, is you say, do you not like immigration?
Everyone says no.
And then you go through the categories and everyone says, no, actually, I want all those people.
That's the irony.
David...
Health migration might be popular, but it is an absolute scandal.
It is.
35% of NHS doctors were trained abroad, many of them in poor countries that desperately need those people.
Well...
Most other European countries train their own doctors and nurses.
We do not.
We suck them out of poor countries.
It's an absolute scandal.
David, David, David.
I agree with you.
It's an absolute scandal.
We should raise more taxes off the rich folks to pay for it.
Absolutely.
Let's go to the gentleman in the beard.
Public school boys like you.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Happy to pay more taxes.
Thank you, Mehdi.
Just two points.
It's not illegal to claim asylum under international law.
And secondly, I'm from Afghanistan.
I know what an invasion is.
And the question that I'd like to ask...
The question I was going to ask as a citizen and as a former refugee, I'd like to see sensible and workable policies and laws dealing with refugees and migrants.
I mean, up to the recent riots, I think using the language of dehumanisation and scapegoating and demonisation hasn't worked, and I think you have a responsibility to actually encourage people to be tolerant.
You know, I feel like we need to be more compassionate in dealing with the subject of refugees and asylum seekers.
Can I...
Can I...
Please.
...come back to...
Just...
Just firstly, it is illegal to leave a safe country, to cross a channel in a small boat, and to arrive at an unauthorised port.
It is illegal.
Sorry.
The second...
The second...
The second point about responsibility.
We all have to look at ourselves at the end of the day in the mirror and understand what we're doing and the choices we're making and whether our actions align with our values.
My sense of responsibility is actually trying to fix the underlying crisis that is leaving a large majority of people in this country feeling deeply anxious about the security of their own country.
And I'm sorry if that upsets people, but I'm not going to stop doing it.
I just need to bring in Zoe.
Zoe, do you agree with what Matt said about the legality of...
No, it's not.
It's not correct.
It's always legal to enter a country that is signatory to the Refugee Convention for the purpose of claiming asylum.
And refugees' journeys are recognised under the law as being not possible to always be made regularly.
Not...
Not while travelling through multiple safe countries.
That's got...
It's totally irrelevant under the law.
That's not what the Refugee Convention says about it.
I'm sorry.
It's just totally irrelevant under the law.
Last...
Last question, because you ended...
I'm going to end it with a question of my own.
You mentioned...
And you mentioned at the start of the show, you mentioned just now, it's about people's anxieties, people's fears.
And I think where we differ is I think you're helping to generate some of those fears and anxieties.
And I wonder...
I really do wonder, listening to you tonight, how much the old Matt Goodwin would have liked the new Matt Goodwin.
Because just over a decade ago, you warned that, quote, Matt Goodwin warned, more and more voters are moving from the mainstream to the margins, guided by a toxic and, to be frank, nasty group of opinion makers in our society who appear to relish sowing the seeds of xenophobia, protest and division.
Was that you describing yourself a decade in the future?
What I...
What I assumed in 2010, 2011, and particularly as we went through the Brexit referendum, which is a really big moment for me, what I assumed is that many people in our politics would actually respond to what people in the country were saying, and they would compromise with those people, that they would give them what they promised, lower migration, strong borders, a sense of control over the country.
I would argue what we've seen over the last 15 years is an elite class that does not really care about everybody else in the country.
Now, that makes me unpopular for pointing that out or saying, I don't think it's sustainable to have 140,000 illegally entering the country to join 1.2 million illegally in the country.
It's not whether you're popular or not, Matt.
It's about whether you're playing the role that you highlighted a decade ago.
You said there were people who guided the public towards xenophobic positions.
Today, you're saying there's no role for them?
There are a lot of the things I'm doing, the writing and so on, I think I'm one of only a handful of people who's actually being honest with the British people.
Matt Goodwin, we will have to leave it there.
Thank you for your time.
Thank you to our panel of experts here, to David, Taj and Zoe, to our audience in Conway
Hall in London.
Thank you to you all for watching at home tonight.
Matt Goodwin, thank you for coming here today.
Thank you, Matty.
Appreciate it.
Thank you.
Thank you.