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  • There's a poem written

    譯者: Ou Chih-Hong 審譯者: Sean Chuang

  • by a very famous English poet

    有一首詩這麼寫道

  • at the end of the 19th century.

    這是一位很有名的英國詩人

  • It was said to echo in Churchill's brain

    在十九世紀末寫的

  • in the 1930s.

    聽說邱吉爾對這首詩也念念不忘

  • And the poem goes:

    在1930年那個時候

  • "On the idle hill of summer,

    這首詩是這麼寫的:

  • lazy with the flow of streams,

    「夏日的慵懶之丘上

  • hark I hear a distant drummer,

    厭倦了小河細流

  • drumming like a sound in dreams,

    聽,我聽到了遠方的鼓聲

  • far and near and low and louder on the roads of earth go by,

    就像在夢裡聽到似的

  • dear to friend and food to powder,

    遠的、近的、低沉的、高亢的,在路上迴盪著

  • soldiers marching,

    從愛人到朋友,從食物到麵粉

  • soon to die."

    士兵踏著步

  • Those who are interested in poetry,

    快步地走向死亡。」

  • the poem is "A Shropshire Lad" written by A.E. Housman.

    想知道這首詩名的人

  • But what Housman understood,

    這是豪斯曼的詩集《舒洛普郡少年》

  • and you hear it in the symphonies of Nielsen too,

    不過,豪斯曼所知道的

  • was that the long, hot, silvan summers

    你也在尼爾森交響曲中聽過

  • of stability of the 19th century

    就是十九世紀那漫長,炎熱,遍地林木的夏天

  • were coming to a close,

    一切都很平和的夏天

  • and that we were about to move

    即將走向終點

  • into one of those terrifying periods of history

    當時,我們正要踏入

  • when power changes.

    歷史上最令人恐懼的一段日子

  • And these are always periods, ladies and gentlemen,

    因為權力將要轉移

  • accompanied by turbulence,

    各位先生女士

  • and all too often by blood.

    這些日子總是伴隨著騷動

  • And my message for you

    偶爾也有血腥的暴力

  • is that I believe we are condemned, if you like,

    告訴你們

  • to live at just one of those moments in history

    我認為,我們無一倖免

  • when the gimbals upon which

    都活在歷史上的那些日子

  • the established order of power is beginning to change

    當那些已經建立的秩序

  • and the new look of the world,

    發生劇變

  • the new powers that exist in the world,

    也從新的角度來看這世界

  • are beginning to take form.

    存在這世界上的新權力

  • And these are -- and we see it very clearly today --

    正在慢慢成形

  • nearly always highly turbulent times, highly difficult times,

    我們也曉得是哪些新權力

  • and all too often very bloody times.

    就是那些非常動亂、極為艱困的時代

  • By the way, it happens about once every century.

    偶爾也參雜著血腥暴力

  • You might argue that the last time it happened --

    順便一提,這種事每個世紀都會發生一次

  • and that's what Housman felt coming and what Churchill felt too --

    你或許會辯駁我說,最後一次發生的時間

  • was that when power passed from the old nations,

    也就是豪斯曼和邱吉爾覺得有事即將發生的時候

  • the old powers of Europe,

    是權力從衰落的國家

  • across the Atlantic to the new emerging power

    像是歐洲的舊權

  • of the United States of America --

    越過大西洋,到了新興權力崛起的國家

  • the beginning of the American century.

    美利堅合眾國

  • And of course, into the vacuum

    也正是美國開始強盛的世紀

  • where the too-old European powers used to be

    當然,在那個時候

  • were played the two bloody catastrophes

    歐洲人過時的權力

  • of the last century --

    被人用來挑起兩場血腥的災難

  • the one in the first part and the one in the second part: the two great World Wars.

    就在那最後一個世紀

  • Mao Zedong used to refer to them as the European civil wars,

    兩場災難分別是兩次的世界大戰

  • and it's probably a more accurate way of describing them.

    毛澤東說那是歐洲人的內戰

  • Well, ladies and gentlemen,

    這麼說也真的比較貼切

  • we live at one of those times.

    各位

  • But for us, I want to talk about three factors today.

    我們現在也生活在那些過去的日子

  • And the first of these, the first two of these,

    我今天就是要談三個因素

  • is about a shift in power.

    這三個因素中的第一個

  • And the second is about some new dimension which I want to refer to,

    就是權力移轉

  • which has never quite happened in the way it's happening now.

    第二個因素,我想要講一塊新領域

  • But let's talk about the shifts of power that are occurring to the world.

    過去從來沒有像現在這樣發生過

  • And what is happening today

    不過,先來談談現今世上的權力移轉吧

  • is, in one sense, frightening

    現在世上的權力移轉

  • because it's never happened before.

    從某種層面來看,相當震懾人心

  • We have seen lateral shifts of power --

    因為過去從沒發生過

  • the power of Greece passed to Rome

    我們曾見過幾次橫向的權力移轉

  • and the power shifts that occurred

    像是希臘轉到羅馬

  • during the European civilizations --

    還有發生在歐洲社會的

  • but we are seeing something slightly different.

    權力移轉

  • For power is not just moving laterally

    但現在發生的權力移轉,有些微的不同

  • from nation to nation.

    因為權力不只是國與國之間的

  • It's also moving vertically.

    橫向移轉

  • What's happening today is that the power that was encased,

    也有直向移轉

  • held to accountability, held to the rule of law,

    現今所存在的權力,受到責任的牽制

  • within the institution of the nation state

    也受到法律的牽制

  • has now migrated in very large measure onto the global stage.

    越來越多的民族國家的機構

  • The globalization of power --

    開始浮上國際檯面

  • we talk about the globalization of markets,

    全球化的權力

  • but actually it's the globalization of real power.

    雖然我們說是全球化市場

  • And where, at the nation state level

    但事實上,卻是全球化權力

  • that power is held to accountability

    從民族國家的角度來看

  • subject to the rule of law,

    受到責任、法律

  • on the international stage it is not.

    所牽制的權力

  • The international stage and the global stage where power now resides:

    在國際舞台上則否

  • the power of the Internet, the power of the satellite broadcasters,

    當今存在於國際舞台上的權力有

  • the power of the money changers --

    網路的權力,衛星廣播的權力

  • this vast money-go-round

    貨幣兌換的權力

  • that circulates now 32 times the amount of money necessary

    兌換大筆金錢

  • for the trade it's supposed to be there to finance --

    數目是過去財政所需的

  • the money changers, if you like,

    三十二倍

  • the financial speculators

    負責貨幣兌換的人

  • that have brought us all to our knees quite recently,

    或是叫他們金融投機客

  • the power of the multinational corporations

    他們最近確實讓些活動停止下來

  • now developing budgets

    多國企業所擁有的權力

  • often bigger than medium-sized countries.

    正在發展預算

  • These live in a global space

    有的預算數目比許多中型國家還要大筆

  • which is largely unregulated,

    那些人住在一個全球化的空間

  • not subject to the rule of law,

    幾乎沒有人來管

  • and in which people may act free of constraint.

    也沒有法律的牽制

  • Now that suits the powerful

    人們想做什麼就做什麼

  • up to a moment.

    到目前為止

  • It's always suitable for those who have the most power

    那些都是強權人士想要的

  • to operate in spaces without constraint,

    那些情況,總是適合掌有大多數權力的人

  • but the lesson of history is that, sooner or later,

    他們不受限制的束縛

  • unregulated space --

    然而,那些無人管制的地方

  • space not subject to the rule of law --

    歷史給他們的教訓

  • becomes populated, not just by the things you wanted --

    那些不受法律牽制的地方

  • international trade, the Internet, etc. --

    人口會變多,也有你樂見的情

  • but also by the things you don't want --

    像是國際貿易、網路‧‧‧等等

  • international criminality, international terrorism.

    當然,也有一些你不願看到的

  • The revelation of 9/11

    像是國際犯罪、跨國恐怖組織

  • is that even if you are the most powerful nation on earth,

    從911就可以知道

  • nevertheless,

    就算你住在世界上最強勢的國家

  • those who inhabit that space can attack you

    儘管如此

  • even in your most iconic of cities

    那些空間的人還是可以攻擊你

  • one bright September morning.

    甚至在九月的一個早晨中

  • It's said that something like 60 percent

    攻擊你國家最具代表性的象徵

  • of the four million dollars that was taken to fund 9/11

    聽說四百萬塊中

  • actually passed through the institutions of the Twin Towers

    大約有百分之六十拿去資助911恐怖攻擊

  • which 9/11 destroyed.

    那次恐怖攻擊的飛機穿透雙子星大樓

  • You see, our enemies also use this space --

    那也是911摧毀的建築

  • the space of mass travel, the Internet, satellite broadcasters --

    瞧,我們的敵人用這樣的空間

  • to be able to get around their poison,

    涵蓋如此多人的旅遊、網路、衛星廣播的空間

  • which is about destroying our systems and our ways.

    來達成他們的恐怖理念

  • Sooner or later,

    也就是雖毀我們的組織系統

  • sooner or later,

    早晚

  • the rule of history

    早晚都會發生的

  • is that where power goes

    歷史告訴我們

  • governance must follow.

    無論權力到哪裡

  • And if it is therefore the case, as I believe it is,

    統治者就得跟著權力走

  • that one of the phenomenon of our time

    而我相信也是因為如此

  • is the globalization of power,

    成就了現今社會

  • then it follows that one of the challenges of our time

    權力全球化的現象

  • is to bring governance to the global space.

    我們這世代所面對的挑戰

  • And I believe that the decades ahead of us now

    就是把統治者帶上國際舞台

  • will be to a greater or lesser extent turbulent

    我覺得在往後的幾十年

  • the more or less we are able to achieve that aim:

    會有些騷動,程度或大或小

  • to bring governance to the global space.

    不管怎麼樣,我們有能力達到那目標

  • Now notice, I'm not talking about government.

    把統治者帶上國際舞台

  • I'm not talking about setting up

    注意,我不是在討論統治者

  • some global democratic institution.

    也不是討論該如何建立

  • My own view, by the way, ladies and gentlemen,

    什麼全球化民主機構

  • is that this is unlikely to be done

    對了各位,順便一提

  • by spawning more U.N. institutions.

    我覺得建立再多像是聯合國這類的機構

  • If we didn't have the U.N., we'd have to invent it.

    對這件事情並不會有什麼幫助

  • The world needs an international forum.

    我們要是沒有聯合國,我們就生一個出來就好了

  • It needs a means by which you can legitimize international action.

    這世界需要的是一個國際論壇

  • But when it comes to governance of the global space,

    藉由國際論壇,國際行動因而得以合法化

  • my guess is this won't happen

    但是,一談到國際舞台該由誰來統治

  • through the creation of more U.N. institutions.

    我覺得再多的聯合國

  • It will actually happen by the powerful coming together

    都沒有辦法解決這問題

  • and making treaty-based systems,

    當強權聚在一起時,這個問題就會產生

  • treaty-based agreements,

    他們因而建立用合約作為基礎的一套系統

  • to govern that global space.

    或是協定

  • And if you look, you can see them happening, already beginning to emerge.

    來統管這個國際舞台

  • The World Trade Organization: treaty-based organization,

    要是你仔細點看,你會發現這類的事情正慢慢發生

  • entirely treaty-based,

    世界貿易組織,就是個合約為底的組織

  • and yet, powerful enough to hold even the most powerful, the United States,

    完全用合約來統治

  • to account if necessary.

    這些合約強勢到能夠控制當今最強的國家,像是美國

  • Kyoto: the beginnings of struggling to create

    必要的話,甚至可以摧毀美國

  • a treaty-based organization.

    京都議定書:努力奮鬥

  • The G20:

    去制定了此一合約為底的組織

  • we know now that we have to put together an institution

    二十國集團

  • which is capable of bringing governance

    現在,我們知道得組一個

  • to that financial space for financial speculation.

    能夠把統治權帶到金融空間的機構

  • And that's what the G20 is, a treaty-based institution.

    為了那些金融活動

  • Now there's a problem there,

    這就是二十國集團因而建立的原因

  • and we'll come back to it in a minute,

    現在有個問題了

  • which is that if you bring the most powerful together

    我等一下會回到剛剛講的地方

  • to make the rules in treaty-based institutions,

    就是你把強權給聚在一塊

  • to fill that governance space,

    要他們在綁合約的機構訂定規則

  • then what happens to the weak who are left out?

    好填補統治權這一個空缺

  • And that's a big problem,

    我要說的問題,是那些沒有參與的弱國怎麼辦?

  • and we'll return to it in just a second.

    這是一個嚴重的問題

  • So there's my first message,

    我很快會回到這問題上

  • that if you are to pass through these turbulent times

    所以我首先要告訴你們

  • more or less turbulently,

    如果你正經歷這些騷動

  • then our success in doing that

    無論騷動程度大小

  • will in large measure depend on our capacity

    如果想把事情給做好

  • to bring sensible governance

    關鍵在於我們把公正的統治權

  • to the global space.

    帶上國際舞台

  • And watch that beginning to happen.

    的能力

  • My second point is,

    以及是否注意到事情已發生

  • and I know I don't have to talk to an audience like this

    接著,我要說的第二點

  • about such a thing,

    我知道和觀眾談這件事時

  • but power is not just shifting vertically,

    我不必這樣說話

  • it's also shifting horizontally.

    然而,權力不只是直向移轉

  • You might argue that the story, the history of civilizations,

    權力也會橫向移轉

  • has been civilizations gathered around seas --

    你或許會反駁我說,從文明社會的歷史來看

  • with the first ones around the Mediterranean,

    文明社會都聚集在海洋四周

  • the more recent ones in the ascendents of Western power around the Atlantic.

    最先到達的,就在地中海

  • Well it seems to me

    之後到達的西方後裔,就聚在大西洋

  • that we're now seeing a fundamental shift of power, broadly speaking,

    但就我看來,廣義而言

  • away from nations gathered around the Atlantic [seaboard]

    我們所看到的只是權力移轉的基本面

  • to the nations gathered around the Pacific rim.

    至不過是那些聚集在大西洋岸邊的民族

  • Now that begins with economic power,

    搬到太平洋岸邊而已

  • but that's the way it always begins.

    然而,現在卻有了經濟權

  • You already begin to see the development of foreign policies,

    經濟權就是這樣開始的

  • the augmentation of military budgets

    你會看到世界上漸漸茁壯的國家

  • occurring in the other growing powers in the world.

    他們的外交開始發展

  • I think actually

    軍事預算也增加

  • this is not so much a shift from the West to the East;

    然而,我覺得

  • something different is happening.

    權力並非只是從西方移轉到東方

  • My guess is, for what it's worth,

    反而有些不同

  • is that the United States will remain

    我個人的猜測

  • the most powerful nation on earth

    無論美國是否保持在

  • for the next 10 years, 15,

    全球最強的國家

  • but the context in which she holds her power

    在接下來的十年,十五年

  • has now radically altered; it has radically changed.

    美國所身處的這個環境

  • We are coming out of 50 years,

    已經徹徹底底的改變了

  • most unusual years, of history

    過去這五十年

  • in which we have had a totally mono-polar world,

    是由史以來最不尋常的五十年

  • in which every compass needle

    過去我們在世界上只有一個強權國家

  • for or against

    其餘的國家

  • has to be referenced by its position to Washington --

    無論認同與否

  • a world bestrode by a single colossus.

    都必須朝向那國家的所在地,華盛頓

  • But that's not a usual case in history.

    這個世界僅由一個強國來統治

  • In fact, what's now emerging

    然而這在歷史上卻不常見

  • is the much more normal case of history.

    事實上,現在所發生的事

  • You're beginning to see the emergence

    反倒較常在歷史上看過

  • of a multi-polar world.

    你將會看到這世界上,有許多強國

  • Up until now,

    開始崛起

  • the United States has been the dominant feature of our world.

    目前為止

  • They will remain the most powerful nation,

    美國還是這世界的主導角色

  • but they will be the most powerful nation

    他們在未來也會是最強權的國家

  • in an increasingly multi-polar world.

    然而,這世界上卻會有越來越多的強國

  • And you begin to see the alternative centers of power building up --

    美國在這所扮演的強權角色,就顯得有趣了

  • in China, of course,

    你將會看到其他的強權國家建立起來

  • though my own guess is that China's ascent to greatness is not smooth.

    像是中國

  • It's going to be quite grumpy

    雖然我覺得中國要成為強權,並不容易

  • as China begins to democratize her society

    相反地,是有些困難

  • after liberalizing her economy.

    因為中國在自由經濟後

  • But that's a subject of a different discussion.

    將他們的社會民主化

  • You see India, you see Brazil.

    不過,這又是另一個主題了

  • You see increasingly

    你會看到印度、巴西

  • that the world now looks actually, for us Europeans,

    事實上,對我們歐洲人而言

  • much more like Europe in the 19th century.

    這世界看起來越來越像

  • Europe in the 19th century:

    十九世紀的歐洲

  • a great British foreign secretary, Lord Canning,

    當時的歐洲

  • used to describe it as the "European concert of powers."

    坎寧閣下,也就是英國的外交大臣

  • There was a balance, a five-sided balance.

    將歐洲描述成「歐洲人的權力協調」

  • Britain always played to the balance.

    當時是五個國家相互制衡

  • If Paris got together with Berlin,

    英國也利用著這樣的平衡

  • Britain got together with Vienna and Rome to provide a counterbalance.

    舉例來說,若巴黎和柏林合作

  • Now notice,

    英國就和維也納、羅馬合作,來抗衡巴黎和柏林

  • in a period which is dominated by a mono-polar world,

    你瞧

  • you have fixed alliances --

    這個世界如果只由單一強國統治

  • NATO, the Warsaw Pact.

    會有相互合作的同盟國出現

  • A fixed polarity of power

    像是北約組織、華約組織

  • means fixed alliances.

    把兩方不同的權力組織起來

  • But a multiple polarity of power

    就是相互合作的同盟國

  • means shifting and changing alliances.

    但是,如果有三方不同的權力

  • And that's the world we're coming into,

    這便意味著同盟國的改變

  • in which we will increasingly see

    也就是我們即將跨入的世界

  • that our alliances are not fixed.

    我們會看到越來越多的同盟國

  • Canning, the great British foreign secretary once said,

    其成員並不是固定不變的

  • "Britain has a common interest,

    傑出的英國外交大臣坎寧曾說過

  • but no common allies."

    「英國和大家有相同的利益

  • And we will see increasingly

    卻沒有相同的盟國。」

  • that even we in the West

    縱使我們身處西方

  • will reach out, have to reach out,

    我們終究還是

  • beyond the cozy circle of the Atlantic powers

    得踏出我們大西洋的舒適圈

  • to make alliances with others

    去和他國交涉

  • if we want to get things done in the world.

    和他國結盟

  • Note, that when we went into Libya,

    否則我們在這世上會一事無成

  • it was not good enough for the West to do it alone;

    像是我們要進入利比亞

  • we had to bring others in.

    我們若要隻身進入的話,就顯得不夠聰明

  • We had to bring, in this case, the Arab League in.

    我們得找其他人

  • My guess is Iraq and Afghanistan are the last times

    像是去找阿拉伯聯盟

  • when the West has tried to do it themselves,

    我們最近幾次試著靠自己的力量

  • and we haven't succeeded.

    進入伊拉克、阿富汗

  • My guess

    不過並沒有成功

  • is that we're reaching the beginning of the end of 400 years --

    我個人推測

  • I say 400 years because it's the end of the Ottoman Empire --

    過去四百年的鄂圖曼帝國已漸漸步入終點

  • of the hegemony of Western power,

    鄂圖曼帝國的結束意味著

  • Western institutions and Western values.

    西方國家的霸權結束了

  • You know, up until now, if the West got its act together,

    西方的強權機構、西方的價值觀,也都結束了

  • it could propose and dispose

    你知道嗎?在過去,如果西方國家能更有組織點

  • in every corner of the world.

    他們是有辦法控管

  • But that's no longer true.

    世上的每一個角落

  • Take the last financial crisis

    不過,為時已晚

  • after the Second World War.

    就拿最近二次大戰後

  • The West got together --

    發生的經濟恐慌當作例子

  • the Bretton Woods Institution, World Bank, International Monetary Fund --

    如果西方國家合作點

  • the problem solved.

    像是,布雷頓森林機構、世界銀行、國際貨幣基金組織...等組織

  • Now we have to call in others.

    問題就能解決

  • Now we have to create the G20.

    現在,我們得靠別人的幫忙

  • Now we have to reach beyond the cozy circle

    像是創立了二十國集團

  • of our Western friends.

    我們還得跨出我們在西方的

  • Let me make a prediction for you,

    舒適圈

  • which is probably even more startling.

    我個人預測

  • I suspect we are now reaching the end

    這答案可能會讓你嚇一跳

  • of 400 years

    我認為我們正接近過去四百年

  • when Western power was enough.

    鄂圖曼帝國的終點

  • People say to me, "The Chinese, of course,

    當時,西方的權力足以控制世界

  • they'll never get themselves involved

    有人對我說

  • in peace-making, multilateral peace-making around the world."

    「中國絕對不會參與

  • Oh yes? Why not?

    什麼在世界上建立和平的活動。」

  • How many Chinese troops

    這是為什麼呢?

  • are serving under the blue beret, serving under the blue flag,

    你知道世界上有多少中國軍隊

  • serving under the U.N. command in the world today?

    戴著藍色貝雷帽、揮舞著藍色旗幟

  • 3,700.

    在聯合國的指令下做事呢?

  • How many Americans? 11.

    三千七百隊

  • What is the largest naval contingent

    美國呢?十一隊

  • tackling the issue of Somali pirates?

    世界上對付索馬利亞海盜

  • The Chinese naval contingent.

    最大的海軍艦隊在哪裡?

  • Of course they are, they are a mercantilist nation.

    在中國

  • They want to keep the sea lanes open.

    你們會覺得理所當然,因為中國是重商主義者

  • Increasingly, we are going to have to do business

    他們想要維持航道的開放

  • with people with whom we do not share values,

    那些和我們沒有相同利益的人

  • but with whom, for the moment, we share common interests.

    我們得越來越常和他們經商

  • It's a whole new different way

    不過,現在誰和我們有共同的利益呢?

  • of looking at the world that is now emerging.

    這是個全新的角度

  • And here's the third factor,

    來看這個正在改變的世界

  • which is totally different.

    接下來是第三個因素

  • Today in our modern world,

    和先前的完全不同

  • because of the Internet,

    現在這個世界之所以這麼進步

  • because of the kinds of things people have been talking about here,

    是因為網路

  • everything is connected to everything.

    因為人們可以談論各式各樣的話題

  • We are now interdependent.

    每一件事都息息相關

  • We are now interlocked,

    我們彼此也就相互依賴

  • as nations, as individuals,

    相互連結

  • in a way which has never been the case before,

    無論是國家,還是個人

  • never been the case before.

    這可是在以前都沒看過

  • The interrelationship of nations,

    沒有發生過

  • well it's always existed.

    國與國之間的相關關係

  • Diplomacy is about managing the interrelationship of nations.

    一直都存在

  • But now we are intimately locked together.

    外交就是管理國家之間的相互關係

  • You get swine flu in Mexico,

    而我們現在比以前還更加緊密的連結

  • it's a problem for Charles de Gaulle Airport

    舉例來說,你在墨西哥得到豬流感

  • 24 hours later.

    二十四小時後,法國戴高樂機場

  • Lehman Brothers goes down, the whole lot collapses.

    就得處理這個問題

  • There are fires in the steppes of Russia,

    雷曼兄弟倒閉,全球經濟也被拖垮

  • food riots in Africa.

    俄羅斯的大草原發生火災

  • We are all now deeply, deeply, deeply interconnected.

    非洲因為食物而發生暴動

  • And what that means

    我們彼此間都有深深的關聯

  • is the idea of a nation state acting alone,

    這也就是說

  • not connected with others,

    一個國家想要獨立獨行

  • not working with others,

    不和其他人來往

  • is no longer a viable proposition.

    不和其他人合作

  • Because the actions of a nation state

    這已經不是個實際的想法

  • are neither confined to itself,

    要是一個國家這麼做

  • nor is it sufficient for the nation state itself

    這不僅是鎖國

  • to control its own territory,

    這國家也沒有辦法

  • because the effects outside the nation state

    去掌管自己的國土

  • are now beginning to affect what happens inside them.

    現在,這樣的一個國家

  • I was a young soldier

    已經開始受到國外的影響了

  • in the last of the small empire wars of Britain.

    我年輕的時候

  • At that time, the defense of my country

    曾在大英帝國戰爭時當過兵

  • was about one thing and one thing only:

    那時,我的國家要讓大家知道的

  • how strong was our army, how strong was our air force,

    就只是這幾件事而已

  • how strong was our navy and how strong were our allies.

    我們的軍隊多強,我們的空軍多厲害

  • That was when the enemy was outside the walls.

    我們的艦隊多強,我們同盟國多厲害

  • Now the enemy is inside the walls.

    敵人都在城牆外

  • Now if I want to talk about the defense of my country,

    現在敵人卻在城牆內

  • I have to speak to the Minister of Health

    現在,若問我,我的國家想向大家說什麼

  • because pandemic disease is a threat to my security,

    我得和衛生署談談

  • I have to speak to the Minister of Agriculture

    因為傳染疾病對我們的健康造成威脅

  • because food security is a threat to my security,

    我得和農業局談談

  • I have to speak to the Minister of Industry

    因為食物安全對我們的飲食造成威脅

  • because the fragility of our hi-tech infrastructure

    我得和工業部談談

  • is now a point of attack for our enemies --

    因為高科技公共設施很脆弱

  • as we see from cyber warfare --

    容易成為我們敵人的攻擊目標

  • I have to speak to the Minister of Home Affairs

    正如我們從網路戰爭上所看到的

  • because who has entered my country,

    我得和內政部談談

  • who lives in that terraced house in that inner city

    因為那些已經進入我們國家的人

  • has a direct effect on what happens in my country --

    住在我們的都市,我們的房子的人

  • as we in London saw in the 7/7 bombings.

    對發生在我們國家的事,都有直接的影響

  • It's no longer the case that the security of a country

    就像倫敦七七驚爆一樣

  • is simply a matter for its soldiers and its ministry of defense.

    一個國家的安全

  • It's its capacity to lock together its institutions.

    不再只和軍人和國防有關

  • And this tells you something very important.

    也和一個國家整合自身機構的能力有關

  • It tells you that, in fact,

    從這裡你就可以看出一件很重要的事情

  • our governments, vertically constructed,

    事實上

  • constructed on the economic model of the Industrial Revolution --

    我們垂直架構的政府

  • vertical hierarchy, specialization of tasks,

    建立在工業革命那時的經濟模式

  • command structures --

    縱向層級制度,分工作業

  • have got the wrong structures completely.

    由上對下發號施令

  • You in business know

    這套系統整個就是錯的

  • that the paradigm structure of our time, ladies and gentlemen,

    在座的各位,如果你從事經商

  • is the network.

    你會知道我們現階段的架構

  • It's your capacity to network that matters,

    就是連絡網

  • both within your governments and externally.

    組織聯絡網的能力很重要

  • So here is Ashdown's third law.

    無論是對政府內部還是外部的聯絡網

  • By the way, don't ask me about Ashdown's first law and second law

    而這就是我的第三個法則

  • because I haven't invented those yet;

    對了,別問我第一還第二個法則是什麼

  • it always sounds better if there's a third law, doesn't it?

    因為我還沒發明出來

  • Ashdown's third law is that in the modern age,

    不過,第三法則總是比較好聽,對吧?

  • where everything is connected to everything,

    我的第三法則就是

  • the most important thing about what you can do

    科技進步的今日,所有事情都有關連

  • is what you can do with others.

    最重要的是,就是你能

  • The most important bit about your structure --

    和別人做什麼事情

  • whether you're a government, whether you're an army regiment,

    在你這個人當中

  • whether you're a business --

    無論你是政府人員,還是軍人

  • is your docking points, your interconnectors,

    或者是商人

  • your capacity to network with others.

    重要的是你和別人的連接點

  • You understand that in industry;

    你和別人相處的能力

  • governments don't.

    在工業中,你能瞭解此一重要性

  • But now one final thing.

    政府卻不懂

  • If it is the case, ladies and gentlemen -- and it is --

    現在,最後一件事

  • that we are now locked together

    如果

  • in a way that has never been quite the same before,

    如果我們彼此連結

  • then it's also the case that we share a destiny with each other.

    而過去從來沒有發生過

  • Suddenly and for the very first time,

    這就是說,我們和彼此有著相同的命運

  • collective defense, the thing that has dominated us

    這很突然,還是第一次

  • as the concept of securing our nations,

    我們國家主要的安全理念

  • is no longer enough.

    如果只靠集合型防禦

  • It used to be the case

    已經不夠了

  • that if my tribe was more powerful than their tribe, I was safe;

    過去是這樣

  • if my country was more powerful than their country, I was safe;

    如果我的族群比你的強,我就安全了

  • my alliance, like NATO, was more powerful than their alliance, I was safe.

    如果我的國家比你的強,我就安全了

  • It is no longer the case.

    我的盟國,像是北約組織,如果比其他人還強,我就安全了

  • The advent of the interconnectedness

    然而,現在卻不是這樣

  • and of the weapons of mass destruction

    我們彼此之間越來越有關係

  • means that, increasingly,

    強大的毀滅性武器問世

  • I share a destiny with my enemy.

    這都意味著

  • When I was a diplomat

    我們和敵人面對著同樣的命運

  • negotiating the disarmament treaties with the Soviet Union

    一九七零年,我還是外交官時

  • in Geneva in the 1970s,

    我在日內瓦和蘇聯爭論

  • we succeeded because we understood

    要求其削減武器

  • we shared a destiny with them.

    當時,我們兩方都達成共識

  • Collective security is not enough.

    因為我們知道我們共享命運

  • Peace has come to Northern Ireland

    集合型安全是不夠的

  • because both sides realized that the zero-sum game couldn't work.

    和平也來到北愛爾蘭

  • They shared a destiny with their enemies.

    因為雙方了解,零和遊戲是沒有用的

  • One of the great barriers to peace in the Middle East

    他們和敵人有著相同的命運

  • is that both sides, both Israel and, I think, the Palestinians,

    阻礙著中東和平的其中一項要素是

  • do not understand

    以色列及巴勒斯坦

  • that they share a collective destiny.

    他們雙方都不瞭解

  • And so suddenly, ladies and gentlemen,

    他們和對方有著同樣的命運

  • what has been the proposition

    各位,從以前到現在

  • of visionaries and poets down the ages

    無論是有夢想的人

  • becomes something we have to take seriously

    還是詩人所提出的建言

  • as a matter of public policy.

    都成了我們得重視的

  • I started with a poem, I'll end with one.

    公共政策

  • The great poem of John Donne's.

    我用首詩作為開頭,現在也用一首來結尾

  • "Send not for whom the bell tolls."

    這是多恩的偉大詩作

  • The poem is called "No Man is an Island."

    「莫問鐘聲為誰響」

  • And it goes:

    這首詩叫做「沒有人是孤島」

  • "Every man's death affected me,

    多恩如此寫道

  • for I am involved in mankind,

    「每一個人逝去,都影響著我

  • send not to ask

    因我亦同生而為人

  • for whom the bell tolls,

    莫問

  • it tolls for thee."

    鐘聲為誰響

  • For John Donne, a recommendation of morality.

    它為你我。」

  • For us, I think,

    多恩讚頌道德

  • part of the equation for our survival.

    而我覺得

  • Thank you very much.

    每個人的存在都是等式中的一部分

  • (Applause)

    謝謝

There's a poem written

譯者: Ou Chih-Hong 審譯者: Sean Chuang

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B1 TED 權力 國家 國際 世界 組織

【TED】帕迪-阿什當:全球權力轉移(Paddy Ashdown: The global power shift)。 (【TED】Paddy Ashdown: The global power shift (Paddy Ashdown: The global power shift))

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    劉怜君 posted on 2021/01/14
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