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  • So over the long course of human history,

  • the infectious disease that's killed more humans

  • than any other is malaria.

  • It's carried in the bites of infected mosquitos,

  • and it's probably our oldest scourge.

  • We may have had malaria since we evolved from the apes.

  • And to this day, malaria takes a huge toll on our species.

  • We've got 300 million cases a year

  • and over half a million deaths.

  • Now this really makes no sense.

  • We've known how to cure malaria

  • since the 1600s.

  • That's when Jesuit missionaries in Peru

  • discovered the bark of the cinchona tree,

  • and inside that bark was quinine,

  • still an effective cure for malaria to this day.

  • So we've known how to cure malaria for centuries.

  • We've known how to prevent malaria since 1897.

  • That's when the British army surgeon Ronald Ross

  • discovered that it was mosquitos that carried malaria,

  • not bad air or miasmas, as was previously thought.

  • So malaria should be a relatively simple disease to solve,

  • and yet to this day, hundreds of thousands of people

  • are going to die from the bite of a mosquito.

  • Why is that?

  • This is a question that's

  • personally intrigued me for a long time.

  • I grew up as the daughter of Indian immigrants

  • visiting my cousins in India every summer,

  • and because I had no immunity to the local malarias,

  • I was made to sleep under this hot, sweaty mosquito net every night

  • while my cousins, they were allowed to sleep

  • out on the terrace and have

  • this nice, cool night breeze wafting over them.

  • And I really hated the mosquitos for that.

  • But at the same time, I come from a Jain family,

  • and Jainism is a religion that espouses

  • a very extreme form of nonviolence.

  • So Jains are not supposed to eat meat.

  • We're not supposed to walk on grass,

  • because you could, you know,

  • inadvertently kill some insects when you walk on grass.

  • We're certainly not supposed to swat mosquitos.

  • So the fearsome power of this little insect

  • was apparent to me from a very young age,

  • and it's one reason why I spent five years as a journalist

  • trying to understand, why has malaria

  • been such a horrible scourge for all of us for so very long?

  • And I think there's three main reasons why.

  • Those three reasons add up to the fourth reason,

  • which is probably the biggest reason of all.

  • The first reason is certainly scientific.

  • This little parasite that causes malaria,

  • it's probably one of the most complex

  • and wily pathogens known to humankind.

  • It lives half its life inside the cold-blooded mosquito

  • and half its life inside the warm-blooded human.

  • These two environments are totally different,

  • but not only that, they're both utterly hostile.

  • So the insect is continually trying to fight off the parasite,

  • and so is the human body continually trying to fight it off.

  • This little creature survives under siege like that,

  • but not only does it survive, it has thrived.

  • It has spread. It has more ways to evade attack than we know.

  • It's a shape-shifter, for one thing.

  • Just as a caterpillar turns into a butterfly,

  • the malaria parasite transforms itself like that

  • seven times in its life cycle.

  • And each of those life stages not only looks totally different from each other,

  • they have totally different physiology.

  • So say you came up with some great drug

  • that worked against one stage of the parasite's life cycle.

  • It might do nothing at all to any of the other stages.

  • It can hide in our bodies, undetected,

  • unbeknownst to us, for days, for weeks,

  • for months, for years, in some cases even decades.

  • So the parasite is a very big scientific challenge to tackle,

  • but so is the mosquito that carries the parasite.

  • Only about 12 species of mosquitos

  • carry most of the world's malaria,

  • and we know quite a bit about the kinds of

  • watery habitats that they specialize in.

  • So you might think, then, well, why don't we just

  • avoid the places where the killer mosquitos live? Right?

  • We could avoid the places where the killer grizzly bears live

  • and we avoid the places where the killer crocodiles live.

  • But say you live in the tropics

  • and you walk outside your hut one day

  • and you leave some footprints in the soft dirt

  • around your home.

  • Or say your cow does, or say your pig does,

  • and then, say, it rains,

  • and that footprint fills up with a little bit of water.

  • That's it. You've created the perfect

  • malarial mosquito habitat that's right outside your door.

  • So it's not easy for us to extricate ourselves from these insects.

  • We kind of create places that they love to live

  • just by living our own lives.

  • So there's a huge scientific challenge,

  • but there's a huge economic challenge too.

  • Malaria occurs in some of the poorest

  • and most remote places on Earth,

  • and there's a reason for that.

  • If you're poor, you're more likely to get malaria.

  • If you're poor, you're more likely to live

  • in rudimentary housing on marginal land that's poorly drained.

  • These are places where mosquitos breed.

  • You're less likely to have door screens or window screens.

  • You're less likely to have electricity

  • and all the indoor activities that electricity makes possible,

  • so you're outside more.

  • You're getting bitten by mosquitos more.

  • So poverty causes malaria,

  • but what we also know now is that malaria itself

  • causes poverty.

  • For one thing, it strikes hardest during harvest season,

  • so exactly when farmers need to be out in the fields

  • collecting their crops, they're home sick with a fever.

  • But it also predisposes people to death

  • from all other causes.

  • So this has happened historically.

  • We've been able to take malaria out of a society.

  • Everything else stays the same,

  • so we still have bad food, bad water, bad sanitation,

  • all the things that make people sick.

  • But just if you take malaria out,

  • deaths from everything else go down.

  • And the economist Jeff Sachs has actually quantified

  • what this means for a society.

  • What it means is, if you have malaria in your society,

  • your economic growth is depressed

  • by 1.3 percent every year,

  • year after year after year, just this one disease alone.

  • So this poses a huge economic challenge,

  • because say you do come up with your great drug

  • or your great vaccine -- how do you deliver it

  • in a place where there's no roads,

  • there's no infrastructure,

  • there's no electricity for refrigeration to keep things cold,

  • there's no clinics, there's no clinicians

  • to deliver these things where they're needed?

  • So there's a huge economic challenge in taming malaria.

  • But along with the scientific challenge and the economic challenge,

  • there's also a cultural challenge,

  • and this is probably the part about malaria

  • that people don't like to talk about.

  • And it's the paradox that the people

  • who have the most malaria in the world

  • tend to care about it the least.

  • This has been the finding of medical anthropologists again and again.

  • They ask people in malarious parts of the world,

  • "What do you think about malaria?"

  • And they don't say, "It's a killer disease. We're scared of it."

  • They say, "Malaria is a normal problem of life."

  • And that was certainly my personal experience.

  • When I told my relatives in India

  • that I was writing a book about malaria,

  • they kind of looked at me like

  • I told them I was writing a book about warts or something.

  • Like, why would you write about something so boring,

  • so ordinary? You know?

  • And it's simple risk perception, really.

  • A child in Malawi, for example,

  • she might have 12 episodes of malaria before the age of two,

  • but if she survives,

  • she'll continue to get malaria throughout her life,

  • but she's much less likely to die of it.

  • And so in her lived experience,

  • malaria is something that comes and goes.

  • And that's actually true for most of the world's malaria.

  • Most of the world's malaria comes and goes on its own.

  • It's just, there's so much malaria

  • that this tiny fraction of cases that end in death

  • add up to this big, huge number.

  • So I think people in malarious parts of the world

  • must think of malaria the way

  • those of us who live in the temperate world

  • think of cold and flu. Right?

  • Cold and flu have a huge burden on our societies

  • and on our own lives,

  • but we don't really even take

  • the most rudimentary precautions against it because

  • we consider it normal to get cold and flu

  • during cold and flu season.

  • And so this poses a huge cultural challenge in taming malaria,

  • because if people think it's normal to have malaria,

  • then how do you get them to run to the doctor

  • to get diagnosed, to pick up their prescription,

  • to get it filled, to take the drugs,

  • to put on the repellents, to tuck in the bed nets?

  • This is a huge cultural challenge in taming this disease.

  • So take all that together.

  • We've got a disease. It's scientifically complicated,

  • it's economically challenging to deal with,

  • and it's one for which the people who stand

  • to benefit the most care about it the least.

  • And that adds up to the biggest problem of all,

  • which, of course, is the political problem.

  • How do you get a political leader to do anything

  • about a problem like this?

  • And the answer is, historically, you don't.

  • Most malarious societies throughout history

  • have simply lived with the disease.

  • So the main attacks on malaria have come

  • from outside of malarious societies,

  • from people who aren't constrained

  • by these rather paralyzing politics.

  • But this, I think, introduces a whole host of other kinds of difficulties.

  • The first concerted attack against malaria

  • started in the 1950s.

  • It was the brainchild of the U.S. State Department.

  • And this effort well understood the economic challenge.

  • They knew they had to focus on cheap, easy-to-use tools,

  • and they focused on DDT.

  • They understood the cultural challenge.

  • In fact, their rather patronizing view was that

  • people at risk of malaria shouldn't be asked to do anything at all.

  • Everything should be done to them and for them.

  • But they greatly underestimated the scientific challenge.

  • They had so much faith in their tools

  • that they stopped doing malaria research.

  • And so when those tools started to fail,

  • and public opinion started to turn against those tools,

  • they had no scientific expertise to figure out what to do.

  • The whole campaign crashed, malaria resurged back,

  • but now it was even worse than before

  • because it was corralled into the hardest-to-reach places

  • in the most difficult-to-control forms.

  • One WHO official at the time actually called that whole campaign

  • "one of the greatest mistakes ever made in public health."

  • The latest effort to tame malaria started in the late 1990s.

  • It's similarly directed and financed primarily

  • from outside of malarious societies.

  • Now this effort well understands the scientific challenge.

  • They are doing tons of malaria research.

  • And they understand the economic challenge too.

  • They're focusing on very cheap, very easy-to-use tools.

  • But now, I think, the dilemma is the cultural challenge.

  • The centerpiece of the current effort is the bed net.

  • It's treated with insecticides.

  • This thing has been distributed across the malarious world

  • by the millions.

  • And when you think about the bed net,

  • it's sort of a surgical intervention.

  • You know, it doesn't really have any value

  • to a family with malaria except that it helps prevent malaria.

  • And yet we're asking people to use these nets every night.

  • They have to sleep under them every night.

  • That's the only way they are effective.

  • And they have to do that

  • even if the net blocks the breeze,

  • even if they might have to get up in the middle of the night

  • and relieve themselves,

  • even if they might have to move all their furnishings

  • to put this thing up,

  • even if, you know, they might live in a round hut

  • in which it's difficult to string up a square net.

  • Now that's no big deal if you're fighting a killer disease.

  • I mean, these are minor inconveniences.

  • But that's not how people with malaria think of malaria.

  • So for them, the calculus must be quite different.

  • Imagine, for example, if a bunch of well-meaning Kenyans

  • came up to those of us in the temperate world and said,

  • "You know, you people have a lot of cold and flu.

  • We've designed this great, easy-to-use, cheap tool,

  • we're going to give it to you for free.

  • It's called a face mask,

  • and all you need to do is

  • wear it every day during cold and flu season

  • when you go to school and when you go to work."

  • Would we do that?

  • And I wonder if that's how people

  • in the malarious world thought of those nets

  • when they first received them?

  • Indeed, we know from studies

  • that only 20 percent of the bed nets

  • that were first distributed were actually used.

  • And even that's probably an overestimate,

  • because the same people who distributed the nets

  • went back and asked the recipients,

  • "Oh, did you use that net I gave you?"

  • Which is like your Aunt Jane asking you,

  • "Oh, did you use that vase I gave you for Christmas?"

  • So it's probably an overestimate.

  • But that's not an insurmountable problem.

  • We can do more education,

  • we can try to convince these people to use the nets.

  • And that's what happening now.

  • We're throwing a lot more time and money

  • into workshops and trainings and musicals and plays

  • and school meetings,

  • all these things to convince people

  • to use the nets we gave you.

  • And that might work.

  • But it takes time. It takes money.

  • It takes resources. It takes infrastructure.

  • It takes all the things that that cheap,

  • easy-to-use bed net was not supposed to be.

  • So it's difficult to attack malaria from inside malarious societies,

  • but it's equally tricky when we try to attack it

  • from outside of those societies.

  • We end up imposing our own priorities

  • on the people of the malarious world.

  • That's exactly what we did in the 1950s,

  • and that effort backfired.

  • I would argue today,

  • when we are distributing tools that we've designed

  • and that don't necessarily make sense in people's lives,

  • we run the risk of making the same mistake again.

  • That's not to say that malaria is unconquerable,

  • because I think it is,

  • but what if we attacked this disease

  • according to the priorities of the people who lived with it?

  • Take the example of England and the United States.

  • We had malaria in those countries for hundreds of years,

  • and we got rid of it completely,

  • not because we attacked malaria. We didn't.

  • We attacked bad roads and bad houses

  • and bad drainage and lack of electricity and rural poverty.

  • We attacked the malarious way of life,

  • and by doing that, we slowly built malaria out.

  • Now attacking the malarious way of life,

  • this is something -- these are things people care about today.

  • And attacking the malarious way of life,

  • it's not fast, it's not cheap, it's not easy,

  • but I think it's the only lasting way forward.

  • Thank you so much.

  • (Applause)

So over the long course of human history,

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