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  • When you have 21 minutes to speak,

  • two million years seems like a really long time.

  • But evolutionarily, two million years is nothing.

  • And yet in two million years the human brain has nearly tripled in mass,

  • going from the one-and-a-quarter pound brain of our ancestor here, Habilis,

  • to the almost three-pound meatloaf that everybody here has between their ears.

  • What is it about a big brain that nature was so eager for every one of us to have one?

  • Well, it turns out when brains triple in size,

  • they don't just get three times bigger; they gain new structures.

  • And one of the main reasons our brain got so big is because it got a new part,

  • called the "frontal lobe." And particularly, a part called the "pre-frontal cortex."

  • Now what does a pre-frontal cortex do for you that should justify

  • the entire architectural overhaul of the human skull in the blink of evolutionary time?

  • Well, it turns out the pre-frontal cortex does lots of things,

  • but one of the most important things it does

  • is it is an experience simulator.

  • Flight pilots practice in flight simulators

  • so that they don't make real mistakes in planes.

  • Human beings have this marvelous adaptation

  • that they can actually have experiences in their heads

  • before they try them out in real life.

  • This is a trick that none of our ancestors could do,

  • and that no other animal can do quite like we can. It's a marvelous adaptation.

  • It's up there with opposable thumbs and standing upright and language

  • as one of the things that got our species out of the trees

  • and into the shopping mall.

  • Now -- (Laughter) -- all of you have done this.

  • I mean, you know,

  • Ben and Jerry's doesn't have liver-and-onion ice cream,

  • and it's not because they whipped some up, tried it and went, "Yuck."

  • It's because, without leaving your armchair,

  • you can simulate that flavor and say "yuck" before you make it.

  • Let's see how your experience simulators are working.

  • Let's just run a quick diagnostic before I proceed with the rest of the talk.

  • Here's two different futures that I invite you to contemplate,

  • and you can try to simulate them and tell me which one you think you might prefer.

  • One of them is winning the lottery. This is about 314 million dollars.

  • And the other is becoming paraplegic.

  • So, just give it a moment of thought.

  • You probably don't feel like you need a moment of thought.

  • Interestingly, there are data on these two groups of people,

  • data on how happy they are.

  • And this is exactly what you expected, isn't it?

  • But these aren't the data. I made these up!

  • These are the data. You failed the pop quiz, and you're hardly five minutes into the lecture.

  • Because the fact is that a year after losing the use of their legs,

  • and a year after winning the lotto, lottery winners and paraplegics

  • are equally happy with their lives.

  • Now, don't feel too bad about failing the first pop quiz,

  • because everybody fails all of the pop quizzes all of the time.

  • The research that my laboratory has been doing,

  • that economists and psychologists around the country have been doing,

  • have revealed something really quite startling to us,

  • something we call the "impact bias,"

  • which is the tendency for the simulator to work badly.

  • For the simulator to make you believe that different outcomes

  • are more different than in fact they really are.

  • From field studies to laboratory studies,

  • we see that winning or losing an election, gaining or losing a romantic partner,

  • getting or not getting a promotion, passing or not passing a college test,

  • on and on, have far less impact, less intensity and much less duration

  • than people expect them to have.

  • In fact, a recent study -- this almost floors me --

  • a recent study showing how major life traumas affect people

  • suggests that if it happened over three months ago,

  • with only a few exceptions,

  • it has no impact whatsoever on your happiness.

  • Why?

  • Because happiness can be synthesized.

  • Sir Thomas Brown wrote in 1642, "I am the happiest man alive.

  • I have that in me that can convert poverty to riches, adversity to prosperity.

  • I am more invulnerable than Achilles; fortune hath not one place to hit me."

  • What kind of remarkable machinery does this guy have in his head?

  • Well, it turns out it's precisely the same remarkable machinery that all off us have.

  • Human beings have something that we might think of as a "psychological immune system."

  • A system of cognitive processes, largely non-conscious cognitive processes,

  • that help them change their views of the world,

  • so that they can feel better about the worlds in which they find themselves.

  • Like Sir Thomas, you have this machine.

  • Unlike Sir Thomas, you seem not to know it. (Laughter)

  • We synthesize happiness, but we think happiness is a thing to be found.

  • Now, you don't need me to give you too many examples of people synthesizing happiness,

  • I suspect. Though I'm going to show you some experimental evidence,

  • you don't have to look very far for evidence.

  • As a challenge to myself, since I say this once in a while in lectures,

  • I took a copy of the New York Times and tried to find some instances of people synthesizing happiness.

  • And here are three guys synthesizing happiness.

  • "I am so much better off physically, financially, emotionally, mentally

  • and almost every other way." "I don't have one minute's regret.

  • It was a glorious experience." "I believe it turned out for the best."

  • Who are these characters who are so damn happy?

  • Well, the first one is Jim Wright.

  • Some of you are old enough to remember: he was the chairman of the House of Representatives

  • and he resigned in disgrace when this young Republican named Newt Gingrich

  • found out about a shady book deal he had done.

  • He lost everything. The most powerful Democrat in the country,

  • he lost everything.

  • He lost his money; he lost his power.

  • What does he have to say all these years later about it?

  • "I am so much better off physically, financially, mentally

  • and in almost every other way."

  • What other way would there be to be better off?

  • Vegetably? Minerally? Animally? He's pretty much covered them there.

  • Moreese Bickham is somebody you've never heard of.

  • Moreese Bickham uttered these words upon being released.

  • He was 78 years old. He spent 37 years

  • in a Louisiana State Penitentiary for a crime he didn't commit.

  • He was ultimately exonerated,

  • at the age of 78, through DNA evidence.

  • And what did he have to say about his experience?

  • "I don't have one minute's regret. It was a glorious experience."

  • Glorious! This guy is not saying,

  • "Well, you know, there were some nice guys. They had a gym."

  • It's "glorious,"

  • a word we usually reserve for something like a religious experience.

  • Harry S. Langerman uttered these words, and he's somebody you might have known

  • but didn't, because in 1949 he read a little article in the paper

  • about a hamburger stand owned by these two brothers named McDonalds.

  • And he thought, "That's a really neat idea!"

  • So he went to find them. They said,

  • "We can give you a franchise on this for 3,000 bucks."

  • Harry went back to New York, asked his brother who's an investment banker

  • to loan him the 3,000 dollars,

  • and his brother's immortal words were,

  • "You idiot, nobody eats hamburgers."

  • He wouldn't lend him the money, and of course six months later

  • Ray Croc had exactly the same idea.

  • It turns out people do eat hamburgers,

  • and Ray Croc, for a while, became the richest man in America.

  • And then finally -- you know, the best of all possible worlds --

  • some of you recognize this young photo of Pete Best,

  • who was the original drummer for the Beatles,

  • until they, you know, sent him out on an errand and snuck away

  • and picked up Ringo on a tour.

  • Well, in 1994, when Pete Best was interviewed

  • -- yes, he's still a drummer; yes, he's a studio musician --

  • he had this to say: "I'm happier than I would have been with the Beatles."

  • Okay. There's something important to be learned from these people,

  • and it is the secret of happiness.

  • Here it is, finally to be revealed.

  • First: accrue wealth, power, and prestige,

  • then lose it. (Laughter)

  • Second: spend as much of your life in prison as you possibly can.

  • (Laughter) Third: make somebody else really, really rich. (Laughter)

  • And finally: never ever join the Beatles. (Laughter)

  • OK. Now I, like Ze Frank, can predict your next thought,

  • which is, "Yeah, right." Because when

  • people synthesize happiness, as these gentlemen seem to have done,

  • we all smile at them, but we kind of roll our eyes and say,

  • "Yeah right, you never really wanted the job."

  • "Oh yeah, right. You really didn't

  • have that much in common with her,

  • and you figured that out just about the time

  • she threw the engagement ring in your face."

  • We smirk because we believe that synthetic happiness

  • is not of the same quality as what we might call "natural happiness."

  • What are these terms?

  • Natural happiness is what we get when we get what we wanted,

  • and synthetic happiness is what we make when we don't get what we wanted.

  • And in our society, we have a strong belief

  • that synthetic happiness is of an inferior kind.

  • Why do we have that belief?

  • Well, it's very simple. What kind of economic engine

  • would keep churning

  • if we believed that not getting what we want could make us just as happy as getting it?

  • With all apologies to my friend Matthieu Ricard,

  • a shopping mall full of Zen monks

  • is not going to be particularly profitable

  • because they don't want stuff enough.

  • I want to suggest to you that synthetic happiness

  • is every bit as real and enduring

  • as the kind of happiness you stumble upon

  • when you get exactly what you were aiming for.

  • Now, I'm a scientist, so I'm going to do this not with rhetoric,

  • but by marinating you in a little bit of data.

  • Let me first show you an experimental paradigm that is used

  • to demonstrate the synthesis of happiness

  • among regular old folks. And this isn't mine.

  • This is a 50-year-old paradigm called the "free choice paradigm."

  • It's very simple.

  • You bring in, say, six objects,

  • and you ask a subject to rank them from the most to the least liked.

  • In this case, because the experiment I'm going to tell you about uses them,

  • these are Monet prints.

  • So, everybody can rank these Monet prints

  • from the one they like the most, to the one they like the least.

  • Now we give you a choice:

  • "We happen to have some extra prints in the closet.

  • We're going to give you one as your prize to take home.

  • We happen to have number three and number four,"

  • we tell the subject. This is a bit of a difficult choice,

  • because neither one is preferred strongly to the other,

  • but naturally, people tend to pick number three

  • because they liked it a little better than number four.

  • Sometime later -- it could be 15 minutes; it could be 15 days --

  • the same stimuli are put before the subject,

  • and the subject is asked to re-rank the stimuli.

  • "Tell us how much you like them now."

  • What happens? Watch as happiness is synthesized.

  • This is the result that has been replicated over and over again.

  • You're watching happiness be synthesized.

  • Would you like to see it again? Happiness!

  • "The one I got is really better than I thought!

  • That other one I didn't get sucks!"

  • (Laughter) That's the synthesis of happiness.

  • Now what's the right response to that? "Yeah, right!"

  • Now, here's the experiment we did,

  • and I would hope this is going to convince you that

  • "Yeah, right!" was not the right response.

  • We did this experiment with a group of patients

  • who had anterograde amnesia. These are hospitalized patients.

  • Most of them have Korsakoff's syndrome,

  • a polyneuritic psychosis that -- they drank way too much,

  • and they can't make new memories.

  • OK? They remember their childhood, but if you walk in and introduce yourself,

  • and then leave the room,

  • when you come back, they don't know who you are.

  • We took our Monet prints to the hospital.

  • And we asked these patients to rank them

  • from the one they liked the most to the one they liked the least.

  • We then gave them the choice between number three and number four.

  • Like everybody else, they said,

  • "Gee, thanks Doc! That's great! I could use a new print.

  • I'll take number three."

  • We explained we would have number three mailed to them.

  • We gathered up our materials and we went out of the room,

  • and counted to a half hour.

  • Back into the room, we say, "Hi, we're back."

  • The patients, bless them, say, "Ah, Doc, I'm sorry,

  • I've got a memory problem; that's why I'm here.

  • If I've met you before, I don't remember."

  • "Really, Jim, you don't remember? I was just here with the Monet prints?"

  • "Sorry, Doc, I just don't have a clue."

  • "No problem, Jim. All I want you to do is rank these for me

  • from the one you like the most to the one you like the least."

  • What do they do? Well, let's first check and make sure

  • they're really amnesiac. We ask these

  • amnesiac patients to tell us which one they own,

  • which one they chose last time, which one is theirs.

  • And what we find is amnesiac patients just guess.

  • These are normal controls, where if I did this with you,

  • all of you would know which print you chose.

  • But if I do this with amnesiac patients,

  • they don't have a clue. They can't pick their print out of a lineup.

  • Here's what normal controls do: they synthesize happiness.

  • Right? This is the change in liking score,

  • the change from the first time they ranked to the second time they ranked.

  • Normal controls show

  • -- that was the magic I showed you;

  • now I'm showing it to you in graphical form --

  • "The one I own is better than I thought. The one I didn't own,

  • the one I left behind, is not as good as I thought."

  • Amnesiacs do exactly the same thing. Think about this result.

  • These people like better the one they own,

  • but they don't know they own it.

  • "Yeah, right" is not the right response!

  • What these people did when they synthesized happiness

  • is they really, truly changed

  • their affective, hedonic, aesthetic reactions to that poster.

  • They're not just saying it because they own it,

  • because they don't know they own it.

  • Now, when psychologists show you bars,

  • you know that they are showing you averages of lots of people.

  • And yet, all of us have this psychological immune system,

  • this capacity to synthesize happiness,

  • but some of us do this trick better than others.

  • And some situations allow anybody to do it more effectively

  • than other situations do.

  • It turns out that freedom

  • -- the ability to make up your mind and change your mind --

  • is the friend of natural happiness, because it allows you to choose

  • among all those delicious futures and find the one that you would most enjoy.

  • But freedom to choose

  • -- to change and make up your mind -- is the enemy of synthetic happiness.

  • And I'm going to show you why.

  • Dilbert already knows, of course.

  • You're reading the cartoon as I'm talking.

  • "Dogbert's tech support. How may I abuse you?"

  • "My printer prints a blank page after every document."

  • "Why would you complain about getting free paper?"

  • "Free? Aren't you just giving me my own paper?"

  • "Egad, man! Look at the quality of the free paper

  • compared to your lousy regular paper!

  • Only a fool or a liar would say that they look the same!"

  • "Ah! Now that you mention it, it does seem a little silkier!"

  • "What are you doing?"

  • "I'm helping people accept the things they cannot change." Indeed.

  • The psychological immune system works best

  • when we are totally stuck, when we are trapped.

  • This is the difference between dating and marriage, right?

  • I mean, you go out on a date with a guy,

  • and he picks his nose; you don't go out on another date.

  • You're married to a guy and he picks his nose?

  • Yeah, he has a heart of gold;

  • don't touch the fruitcake. Right? (Laughter)

  • You find a way to be happy with what's happened.

  • Now what I want to show you is that

  • people don't know this about themselves,

  • and not knowing this can work to our supreme disadvantage.

  • Here's an experiment we did at Harvard.

  • We created a photography course, a black-and-white photography course,

  • and we allowed students to come in and learn how to use a darkroom.

  • So we gave them cameras; they went around campus;

  • they took 12 pictures of their favorite professors and their dorm room and their dog,

  • and all the other things they wanted to have Harvard memories of.

  • They bring us the camera; we make up a contact sheet;

  • they figure out which are the two best pictures;

  • and we now spend six hours teaching them about darkrooms.

  • And they blow two of them up,

  • and they have two gorgeous eight-by-10 glossies of

  • meaningful things to them, and we say,

  • "Which one would you like to give up?"

  • They say, "I have to give one up?"

  • "Oh, yes. We need one as evidence of the class project.

  • So you have to give me one. You have to make a choice.

  • You get to keep one, and I get to keep one."

  • Now, there are two conditions in this experiment.

  • In one case, the students are told, "But you know,

  • if you want to change your mind, I'll always have the other one here,

  • and in the next four days, before I actually mail it to headquarters,

  • I'll be glad to" -- (Laughter) -- yeah, "headquarters" --

  • "I'll be glad to swap it out with you. In fact,

  • I'll come to your dorm room and give

  • -- just give me an email. Better yet, I'll check with you.

  • You ever want to change your mind, it's totally returnable."

  • The other half of the students are told exactly the opposite:

  • "Make your choice. And by the way,

  • the mail is going out, gosh, in two minutes, to England.

  • Your picture will be winging its way over the Atlantic.

  • You will never see it again."

  • Now, half of the students in each of these conditions

  • are asked to make predictions about how much

  • they're going to come to like the picture that they keep

  • and the picture they leave behind.

  • Other students are just sent back to their little dorm rooms

  • and they are measured over the next three to six days

  • on their liking, satisfaction with the pictures.

  • And look at what we find.

  • First of all, here's what students think is going to happen.

  • They think they're going to maybe come to like the picture they chose

  • a little more than the one they left behind,

  • but these are not statistically significant differences.

  • It's a very small increase, and it doesn't much matter

  • whether they were in the reversible or irreversible condition.

  • Wrong-o. Bad simulators. Because here's what's really happening.

  • Both right before the swap and five days later,

  • people who are stuck with that picture,

  • who have no choice,

  • who can never change their mind, like it a lot!

  • And people who are deliberating -- "Should I return it?

  • Have I gotten the right one? Maybe this isn't the good one?

  • Maybe I left the good one?" -- have killed themselves.

  • They don't like their picture, and in fact

  • even after the opportunity to swap has expired,

  • they still don't like their picture. Why?

  • Because the reversible condition is not conducive

  • to the synthesis of happiness.

  • So here's the final piece of this experiment.

  • We bring in a whole new group of naive Harvard students

  • and we say, "You know, we're doing a photography course,

  • and we can do it one of two ways.

  • We could do it so that when you take the two pictures,

  • you'd have four days to change your mind,

  • or we're doing another course where you take the two pictures

  • and you make up your mind right away

  • and you can never change it. Which course would you like to be in?"

  • Duh! 66 percent of the students, two-thirds,

  • prefer to be in the course where they have the opportunity to change their mind.

  • Hello? 66 percent of the students choose to be in the course in which they will

  • ultimately be deeply dissatisfied with the picture.

  • Because they do not know the conditions under which synthetic happiness grows.

  • The Bard said everything best, of course, and he's making my point here

  • but he's making it hyperbolically:

  • "'Tis nothing good or bad / But thinking makes it so."

  • It's nice poetry, but that can't exactly be right.

  • Is there really nothing good or bad?

  • Is it really the case that gall bladder surgery and a trip to Paris

  • are just the same thing? That seems like a one-question IQ test.

  • They can't be exactly the same.

  • In more turgid prose, but closer to the truth,

  • was the father of modern capitalism, Adam Smith, and he said this.

  • This is worth contemplating:

  • "The great source of both the misery and disorders of human life

  • seems to arise from overrating the difference

  • between one permanent situation and another ...

  • Some of these situations may, no doubt, deserve to be preferred to others,

  • but none of them can deserve to be pursued

  • with that passionate ardor which drives us to violate the rules

  • either of prudence or of justice, or to corrupt the future tranquility of our minds,

  • either by shame from the remembrance of our own folly,

  • or by remorse for the horror of our own injustice."

  • In other words: yes, some things are better than others.

  • We should have preferences that lead us into one future over another.

  • But when those preferences drive us too hard and too fast

  • because we have overrated the difference between these futures,

  • we are at risk.

  • When our ambition is bounded, it leads us to work joyfully.

  • When our ambition is unbounded, it leads us to lie, to cheat, to steal, to hurt others,

  • to sacrifice things of real value. When our fears are bounded,

  • we're prudent; we're cautious; we're thoughtful.

  • When our fears are unbounded and overblown,

  • we're reckless, and we're cowardly.

  • The lesson I want to leave you with from these data

  • is that our longings and our worries are both to some degree overblown,

  • because we have within us the capacity to manufacture the very commodity

  • we are constantly chasing when we choose experience.

  • Thank you.

When you have 21 minutes to speak,

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