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  • I think all of us have been interested, at one time or another,

    社會瓦解之謎,我相信各位都曾對此感過興趣,

  • in the romantic mysteries of all those societies that collapsed,

    那些曾經存在,但後來瓦解的社會,

  • such as the classic Maya in the Yucatan, the Easter Islanders,

    如瑪雅文明,尤卡坦半島上的古典瑪雅文明,復活節島文明,

  • the Anasazi, Fertile Crescent society, Angor Wat, Great Zimbabwe

    阿納薩齊文明,新月沃地文明,吳哥文明,大辛巴威文明等等。

  • and so on. And within the last decade or two,

    而在最近的10到20年裏,

  • archaeologists have shown us that there were environmental problems

    考古學家們向我們展示了導致這些社會瓦解的

  • underlying many of these past collapses.

    鮮為人知的的環境原因。

  • But there were also plenty of places in the world

    但是這個世界上還有很多地方,

  • where societies have been developing for thousands of years

    都有著上千年的歷史,

  • without any sign of a major collapse,

    卻從未有過徹底的瓦解。

  • such as Japan, Java, Tonga and Tikopea. So evidently, societies

    譬如:日本、爪哇島、湯加以及蒂科皮亞。顯然,

  • in some areas are more fragile than in other areas.

    與其他社會相比,有些社會更加脆弱一些。

  • How can we understand what makes some societies more fragile

    我們該如何來理解這一點呢?

  • than other societies? The problem is obviously relevant

    顯然,這個問題非常有現實意義。

  • to our situation today, because today as well, there are

    因為於當下世界同樣

  • some societies that have already collapsed, such as Somalia

    有一些已經瓦解了的社會,如:索馬里、

  • and Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. There are also

    盧旺達和前南斯拉夫。此外,

  • societies today that may be close to collapse, such as Nepal, Indonesia and Columbia.

    還有一些行將崩潰的社會,比如:尼泊爾、印尼、哥倫比亞。

  • What about ourselves?

    那麼,美國是什麼狀況呢?

  • What is there that we can learn from the past that would help us avoid

    歷史上,有這麼多的社會或者衰敗、或者消亡,

  • declining or collapsing in the way that so many past societies have?

    以史為鑒,我們應當如何避免重蹈覆轍呢?

  • Obviously the answer to this question is not going

    這個問題的答案顯然得從多方面考慮,

  • to be a single factor. If anyone tells you that there is a single-factor

    如果有人告訴你:“這些社會會崩潰,只有一個原因。”

  • explanation for societal collapses, you know right away

    那麼你應該馬上反應過來,

  • that they're an idiot. This is a complex subject.

    這人是個傻子。畢竟,這是個非常複雜的問題。

  • But how can we make sense out of the complexities of this subject?

    那麼我們該如何來理清頭緒呢?

  • In analyzing societal collapses, I've arrived at a

    在分析社會崩潰的過程中,我設計出了一個

  • five-point framework -- a checklist of things that I go through

    “五點架構”:這其實是個清單,枚舉了我為了解釋社會瓦解之謎

  • to try and understand collapses. And I'll illustrate that five-point

    而考慮的每一個因素。下面,我將通過分析格陵蘭島上的維京部落的消亡

  • framework by the extinction of the Greenland Norse society.

    來闡釋這個“五點架構”。

  • This is a European society with literate records,

    這是一個留有文字史料的歐洲社會,

  • so we know a good deal about the people and their motivation.

    所以我們可以充分理解那裏的人和他們的動機。

  • In AD 984 Vikings went out to Greenland, settled Greenland,

    西元984年,一群維京海盜登陸格陵蘭島並隨後定居下來。

  • and around 1450 they died out -- the society collapsed,

    到1450年,整個社會瓦解,

  • and every one of them ended up dead.

    最終,他們滅絕了。

  • Why did they all end up dead? Well, in my five-point framework,

    他們怎麼就全滅絕了呢?嗯,在我的“五點構架”中,

  • the first item on the framework is to look for human impacts

    第一點是:人對環境的影響。

  • on the environment: people inadvertently destroying the resource

    因為大意,人們毀掉了他們賴以生存的資源。

  • base on which they depend. And in the case of the Viking Norse,

    在這個具體的案例中,

  • the Vikings inadvertently caused soil erosion and deforestation,

    維京人由於大意導致了土壤侵蝕和森林荒漠化,

  • which was a particular problem for them because

    而之所以造成了麻煩是因為

  • they required forests to make charcoal, to make iron.

    他們需要樹木來製成木炭,再用木炭冶鐵。

  • So they ended up an Iron Age European society, virtually

    因此雖然他們是鐵器時代的歐洲社會,但當他們瓦解時,

  • unable to make their own iron. A second item on my checklist is

    他們已經不能冶煉鐵器了。在清單上的第二點是:

  • climate change. Climate can get warmer or colder or dryer or wetter.

    氣候變化:或變暖、或變冷、或變乾、或變濕。

  • In the case of the Vikings -- in Greenland, the climate got colder

    在這個案例中,14世紀晚期,尤其是15世紀,

  • in the late 1300s, and especially in the 1400s. But a cold climate

    氣候變冷。但寒冷的氣候並不是決定性的因素,

  • isn't necessarily fatal, because the Inuit -- the Eskimos inhabiting

    理由是當時愛斯基摩人同樣住在格陵蘭島上,

  • Greenland at the same time -- did better, rather than worse,

    面對變冷的氣候,他們的表現就挺不錯的。

  • with cold climates. So why didn't the Greenland Norse as well?

    那麼,為什麼維京人沒能做到呢?

  • The third thing on my checklist is relations with neighboring

    在我的清單上的第三點是:

  • friendly societies that may prop up a society. And if that

    與周邊友邦的關係,這些友邦可以提供必要的援助。

  • friendly support is pulled away, that may make a society

    而一旦這種來自友邦的援助終止,通常會使

  • more likely to collapse. In the case of the Greenland Norse,

    這個社會瓦解。在這個案例中,

  • they had trade with the mother country -- Norway --

    他們一直在與母邦,挪威,進行貿易往來,

  • and that trade dwindled: partly because Norway got weaker,

    然而,一方面因為挪威逐漸衰弱,

  • partly because of sea ice between Greenland and Norway.

    一方面因為兩地航道間的海水漸漸結冰,這種貿易與日俱減。

  • The fourth item on my checklist is relations with hostile societies.

    在我清單上的第四點是:與敵國的關係。

  • In the case of Norse Greenland, the hostiles were the Inuit --

    在這個案例中,他們的敵國是因紐特人

  • the Eskimos sharing Greenland -- with whom the Norse

    以及愛斯基摩人,他們與維京人是格陵蘭島上的“室友”,

  • got off to bad relationships. And we know that the Inuit

    但他們並不遭維京人待見。而且我們知道,

  • killed the Norse and, probably of greater importance,

    他們有時會屠戮維京人,此外,可能更重要的是,

  • may have blocked access to the outer fjords, on which

    他們擋住了維京人到出海口的路,

  • the Norse depended for seals at a critical time of the year.

    而每年的特定季節,維京人是需要通過這個峽灣出海捕獵海豹的。

  • And then finally, the fifth item on my checklist is the political,

    最後,在我的清單上的第五點:

  • economic, social and cultural factors in the society that make it

    一個社會的政治、經濟、社會和文化因素,

  • more or less likely that the society will perceive and solve its

    這些因素能促使一個社會意識到並解決它所遇到的環境問題。

  • environmental problems. In the case of the Greenland Norse,

    在這個案例中,

  • cultural factors that made it difficult for them

    因為文化的原因,維京人很難解決遇到的問題,具體而言:

  • to solve their problems were: their commitments to a

    維京人是信仰基督教的,

  • Christian society investing heavily in cathedrals; their being

    他們將大量的人力物力花費在建築大教堂上;此外,

  • a competitive-ranked chiefly society; and their scorn for the Inuit,

    作為一個極其爭強好勝的社會,他們瞧不起因紐特人,

  • from whom they refused to learn. So that's how the five-part

    因此他們拒絕傳授技術。綜上,這就是“五點構架”

  • framework is relevant to the collapse and eventual extinction of the Greenland Norse.

    如何解釋社會瓦解的以及格陵蘭島上維京人消亡的原因。

  • What about a society today?

    那麼當今的社會又是如何的呢?

  • For the past five years, I've been taking my wife and kids to

    過去的5年裏,我和我的家人造訪了蒙大納州的西南部,

  • Southwestern Montana, where I worked as a teenager

    在那裏,每當乾草收割時,

  • on the hay harvest. And Montana, at first sight, seems

    我像個年輕人一樣工作。乍一看,

  • like the most pristine environment in the United States.

    蒙大納州貌似是全美境內環境最自然的州。

  • But scratch the surface, and Montana suffers from serious problems.

    但深入研究後,會發現其實它也面臨著許多嚴重的問題。

  • Going through the same checklist: human environmental impacts?

    同樣用我的“五點架構”法來檢驗。第一點:人類對環境的影響。

  • Yes, acute in Montana. Toxic problems from mine waste

    是的,這種影響在蒙大納州極為嚴重。

  • have caused damage of billions of dollars.

    為解決廢礦產生的有毒物質問題,已耗費了數十億美元。

  • Problems from weeds, weed control, cost Montana nearly

    而為了除去雜草,以及控制其擴散,蒙大納州每年幾乎都要花費

  • 200 million dollars a year. Montana has lost agricultural areas

    2億美元。此外,蒙大納州的可耕土壤面積還不斷在減少,

  • from salinization, problems of forest management,

    原因包括:土壤鹽鹼化、森林管理失調

  • problems of forest fires. Second item on my checklist:

    以及森林大火問題等。接著考慮我的清單上的第二點:

  • climate change. Yes -- the climate in Montana is getting warmer

    氣候變化:是的,蒙大納州的氣候逐漸變得更加乾熱,

  • and drier, but Montana agriculture depends especially on irrigation

    蒙大納州的農業主要是依靠雪水灌溉,

  • from the snow pack, and as the snow is melting -- for example,

    因為氣候變暖,雪水漸漸消融,我們可以看到,

  • as the glaciers in Glacier National Park are disappearing --

    國家冰河公園的冰川正在逐漸消失,

  • that's bad news for Montana irrigation agriculture.

    這對蒙大納州的農業來說,絕對是個十足的噩耗。

  • Third thing on my checklist: relations with friendlies

    我的清單上的第三點:與可以提供援助的友鄰的關係。

  • that can sustain the society. In Montana today, more than half of

    在當今的蒙大納州,居民收入的一半以上

  • the income of Montana is not earned within Montana,

    都不是產生於州內,

  • but is derived from out of state: transfer payments from

    而是源自於州外,主要包括:

  • social security, investments and so on --

    社會保險的款項轉賬,各界的投資等等。

  • which makes Montana vulnerable to the rest of the United States.

    這就使得蒙大納州成為了美國最脆弱的州之一。

  • Fourth: relations with hostiles. Montanans have the same problems

    第四點:與敵國的關係。這一點上,蒙大納州面臨的問題

  • as do all Americans, in being sensitive to problems

    與其他州一樣,都受到海外反美勢力的威脅,

  • created by hostiles overseas affecting our oil supplies,

    在一些問題上尤為敏感:如干擾我們的石油供應,

  • and terrorist attacks. And finally, last item on my checklist:

    恐怖襲擊等等。最後,在我清單上的最後一點:

  • question of how political, economic, social, cultural attitudes

    一個社會的政治、經濟、社會和文化因素如何來解決

  • play into this. Montanans have long-held values, which today

    其所遇到的問題。蒙大納州一致奉行“長期持有”的觀點

  • seem to be getting in the way of their solving their own problems.

    如今似乎正在妨礙他們解決所遇到的問題。

  • Long-held devotion to logging and to mines and to agriculture,

    “長期持有”的價值觀致力於伐木、採礦以及種植、

  • and to no government regulation; values that worked well

    以及非政府管理。這一價值觀

  • in the past, but they don't seem to be working well today.

    在過去對他們經濟發展的幫助成效顯著,但如今卻似乎難以奏效。

  • So, I'm looking at these issues of collapses

    當我在思考社會瓦解的問題時,

  • for a lot of past societies and for many present societies.

    不管是過去的或是當下的社會,

  • Are there any general conclusions that arise?

    我不禁問自己,我能得到什麼普適性的結論麼?

  • In a way, just like Tolstoy's statement about every unhappy marriage

    在某種程度上,正如托爾斯泰所言:不幸的家庭各有各的不幸。

  • being different, every collapsed or endangered society is different --

    同樣的道理,每一個瓦解或者行將瓦解的社會都是不同的。

  • they all have different details. But nevertheless, there are certain

    它們的瓦解各有各的原因。儘管如此,

  • common threads that emerge from these comparisons

    我們還是可以得到一些共識的,通過對比

  • of past societies that did or did not collapse

    歷史上那些崩潰了和沒有崩潰的社會,

  • and threatened societies today. One interesting common thread

    這些共識於今也有借鑒意義。在眾多社會瓦解的案例中,

  • has to do with, in many cases, the rapidity of collapse

    可以發現一個有趣的相似點:這個社會發展到其鼎盛時期,

  • after a society reaches its peak. There are many societies

    突然急轉直下,然後瓦解。歷史上,許多社會的發展軌跡

  • that don't wind down gradually, but they build up -- get richer

    並不是逐漸衰弱然後消亡,而是國力逐漸強盛,

  • and more powerful -- and then within a short time, within a few decades

    勢力逐漸擴大,最後達到鼎盛期。突然,在一個極短的時間裏,

  • after their peak, they collapse. For example,

    如幾十年間,他們就瓦解了。比如說,

  • the classic lowland Maya of the Yucatan began to collapse in the

    尤卡坦半島的低地古典瑪雅,他們瓦解於

  • early 800s -- literally a few decades after the Maya were building

    9世紀早期,而正是在此之前的數十年,瑪雅人

  • their biggest monuments, and Maya population was greatest.

    完成了他們最大的紀念碑,而且,人口數量也達到了史上最多。

  • Or again, the collapse of the Soviet Union took place

    同樣的,蘇聯的瓦解亦然。

  • within a couple of decades, maybe within a decade, of the time

    在蘇聯瓦解的前幾十年,甚至可能僅僅在其前10年,

  • when the Soviet Union was at its greatest power.

    他們還處於史上最輝煌的時期。

  • An analogue would be the growth of bacteria in a petri dish.

    有一個現象倒是與此種情形很相似:培養皿中細菌數量的增加曲線

  • These rapid collapses are especially likely where there's

    這些社會之所以暴斃,極有可能是因為

  • a mismatch between available resources and resource consumption,

    他們能夠獲取的資源已無法滿足他們的需求,

  • or a mismatch between economic outlays and economic potential.

    或者他們在經濟上入不敷出。

  • In a petri dish, bacteria grow. Say they double every generation,

    在培養皿中,細菌繁殖。每隔一代,數目翻倍,

  • and five generations before the end the petri dish is 15/16ths empty,

    只需五代,便告終結。起初,培養皿會有15/16的空白區域,

  • and then the next generation's 3/4ths empty, and the next generation

    而一代之後,只剩下3/4的空間,再下一代,

  • half empty. Within one generation after the petri dish still

    只有一半。當培養皿還有一半空間時,只需要再有一代,

  • being half empty, it is full. There's no more food and the bacteria have collapsed.

    培養皿就被占滿了。因為沒有了更多的食物來源,這個細菌社會於是瓦解。

  • So, this is a frequent theme:

    由此可見,在短時間內,

  • societies collapse very soon after reaching their peak in power.

    一個社會由盛轉衰繼而消亡的現象是很常見的。

  • What it means to put it mathematically is that, if you're concerned

    這個現象用數學思維可以這樣理解:如果你要考慮一個當今的社會,

  • about a society today, you should be looking not at the value

    你最該關心的並不應該是這個數學函數的值,

  • of the mathematical function -- the wealth itself -- but you should

    具體而言,即一個社會的GDP;你應該留意的,

  • be looking at the first derivative and the second derivatives

    應該是這個函數的一階導以及二階導。

  • of the function. That's one general theme. A second general theme

    以上便是得到的瓦解社會的共性之一。其二,

  • is that there are many, often subtle environmental factors that make

    總是會有許多微妙的環境因素使得

  • some societies more fragile than others. Many of those factors

    一些社會較之其他更為脆弱,而這些環境因素

  • are not well understood. For example, why is it that in the Pacific,

    目前我們尚未能完全理解。比如說,為何在太平洋中,

  • of those hundreds of Pacific islands, why did Easter Island end up as

    在數以百計的島嶼中,只有復活節島

  • the most devastating case of complete deforestation?

    因為徹底的森林荒漠化而完全荒蕪繼而消亡?

  • It turns out that there were about nine different environmental

    結論是這大約涉及到了9種不同的環境因數,

  • factors -- some, rather subtle ones -- that were working against

    每一種都異常微妙,這些因數都給復活節島帶來了

  • the Easter Islanders, and they involve fallout of volcanic tephra,

    消極的影響,這些因數涉及火山噴發產生的沉降物,

  • latitude, rainfall. Perhaps the most subtle of them

    所在地的緯度以及降雨量。也許這些因數中最微妙的一個,

  • is that it turns out that a major input of nutrients

    是沉降在島嶼上的那些主要來自亞洲的大陸塵埃,

  • which protects island environments in the Pacific is from

    這些塵埃,附帶著大量的營養物質,

  • the fallout of continental dust from central Asia.

    而正是這些營養物質,保護著太平洋上這些島嶼的生態環境。

  • Easter, of all Pacific islands, has the least input of dust

    在恢復土壤肥力的過程中,所有太平洋的島嶼都能從來自亞洲的大陸塵埃獲利,

  • from Asia restoring the fertility of its soils. But that's

    但唯有復活節島,因為距離原因,獲利最少。

  • a factor that we didn't even appreciate until 1999.

    這一現象,我們居然一直到1999年,才開始察覺。

  • So, some societies, for subtle environmental reasons,

    所以說,有一些社會,由於這些微妙的環境因數,

  • are more fragile than others. And then finally,

    比其他社會更加脆弱。最後,

  • another generalization. I'm now teaching a course

    我將闡述第三個共識。 因為目前不才正執教於

  • at UCLA, to UCLA undergraduates, on these collapses

    加州大學洛杉磯分校,給那裏的本科生們講授關於社會瓦解的課程。

  • of societies. What really bugs my UCLA undergraduate students is,

    課堂上,最讓我的這群學生們迷惑不解的事情是,

  • how on earth did these societies not see what they were doing?

    這些社會為什麼沒有發現他們在自尋死路?

  • How could the Easter Islanders have deforested their environment?

    那些復活節島上的居民怎麼忍心砍盡森林,毀滅自己的家園?

  • What did they say when they were cutting down the last palm tree?

    當他們砍倒最後一棵棕櫚樹時,他們是什麼感覺?

  • Didn't they see what they were doing? How could societies

    難道他們不知道自己在幹什麼嗎?

  • not perceive their impacts on the environments and stop in time?

    那些社會怎麼可能沒有察覺到自己對環境的影響,進而懸崖勒馬?

  • And I would expect that, if our human civilization carries on,

    我想,答案應該是這樣的:假設我們的文明能夠延續下去,

  • then maybe in the next century people will be asking,

    那麼也許到了下一個世紀,那時的人們同樣會好奇:

  • why on earth did these people today in the year 2003 not see

    那幫生活在2003年的人怎麼可能沒有注意到

  • the obvious things that they were doing and take corrective action?

    他們所犯下的如此明顯的錯誤,他們怎麼就不迷途知返?

  • It seems incredible in the past. In the future, it'll seem

    回顧歷史,我們發現那幫人不可理喻。但在後人看來,

  • incredible what we are doing today. And so I've been

    我們似乎同樣也不可理喻。鑒於此,

  • trying to develop a hierarchical set of considerations

    我嘗試著分析出了了幾個理由

  • about why societies fail to solve their problems --

    來解釋為什麼這些社會沒能處理好他們面臨的問題。

  • why they fail to perceive the problems or, if they perceive them,

    為什麼他們沒有意識到問題的存在?或者意識到了,

  • why they fail to tackle them. Or, if they tackle them,

    卻沒能解決問題?或者,如果他們已經開始解決問題

  • why do they fail to succeed in solving them?

    為什麼他們沒有保持下去?

  • I'll just mention two generalizations in this area.

    就這一問題,我只簡單的概括兩點原因。

  • One blueprint for trouble, making collapse likely,

    一個可能導致社會瓦解的困境是:利益衝突

  • is where there is a conflict of interest between the short-term

    短期利益與長期利益的衝突。

  • interest of the decision-making elites and the long-term

    這裏是指決策制定者的短期利益與整個社會的長期利益相衝突,

  • interest of the society as a whole, especially if the elites

    尤其是當執行了這一不明智的政策後,社會整體利益受損時,

  • are able to insulate themselves from the consequences

    政策制定者們可以置身事外的情形下。

  • of their actions. Where what's good in the short run for the elite

    當某一決策可能最終造成整個社會的悲劇,但短期內政策制定者卻可以從中獲利時,

  • is bad for the society as a whole, there's a real risk of the elite

    他們極有可能鼠目寸光,推行這一極具風險的決策。

  • doing things that would bring the society down in the long run.

    短視的主事者,就會把這個社會帶向瓦解。

  • For example, among the Greenland Norse --

    舉例而言,在格陵蘭島的維京人,

  • a competitive rank society -- what the chiefs really wanted

    那是一個極其爭強好勝的社會,那個社會的首領們最想要的,

  • is more followers and more sheep and more resources

    是更多的子民,更多的羊群和更多的資源,多多益善,

  • to outcompete the neighboring chiefs. And that led the chiefs

    直到這些的數量超過了相鄰部落的首領。這一風氣的驅使下,

  • to do what's called flogging the land: overstocking the land,

    首領們紛紛行動,後世稱之為“刮地皮”:他們過度積壓土地,

  • forcing tenant farmers into dependency. And that made

    強迫土地租用人成為附庸。這些舉措,

  • the chiefs powerful in the short run,

    短期內是使首領們的勢力大為增加,

  • but led to the society's collapse in the long run.

    但卻為隨後整個社會的瓦解埋下禍根。

  • Those same issues of conflicts of interest are acute

    這兩種利益的衝突在今天的美國

  • in the United States today. Especially because

    同樣非常劇烈。特別是考慮到

  • the decision makers in the United States are frequently

    如今美國的政策制定者們通常

  • able to insulate themselves from consequences

    可以置身事外。不管外面世界因為他們制定的政策發生了什麼,

  • by living in gated compounds, by drinking bottled water

    他們都能安穩生活在有柵欄的院子裏,喝著純淨水,

  • and so on. And within the last couple of years,

    悠哉遊哉,高枕無憂。在最近的10多年裏,

  • it's been obvious that the elite in the business world

    很明顯的事實是:那些商業世界的精英們,

  • correctly perceive that they can advance

    察覺到了他們可以通過一些事情來短期獲利,

  • their short-term interest by doing things that are

    儘管這些事情雖然可以給他們帶來利益,

  • good for them but bad for society as a whole,

    但終將給整個社會帶來災難。

  • such as draining a few billion dollars out of Enron

    比如在伊朗問題上砸下數十億美元,

  • and other businesses. They are quite correct

    或者類似的決策。這樣的事情,

  • that these things are good for them in the short term,

    倒是的確對他們的短期利益很有幫助,

  • although bad for society in the long term.

    然而長遠點看,這在未來將危害到整個社會。

  • So, that's one general conclusion about why societies

    綜上,這就是關於為何有的社會會做出

  • make bad decisions: conflicts of interest.

    愚蠢決策的概括之一:利益衝突。

  • And the other generalization that I want to mention

    我要概括的第二點是,

  • is that it's particularly hard for a society to make

    就一個社會而言,有時的確很難制定出、或者照搬

  • quote-unquote good decisions when there is a conflict involving

    一些恰當的決策,尤其是當涉及到

  • strongly held values that are good in many circumstances

    根深蒂固的價值觀時。有時,這種堅定的價值觀是必須的,

  • but are poor in other circumstances. For example,

    但有時,卻也是不合時宜的。比如說,

  • the Greenland Norse, in this difficult environment,

    格陵蘭島上的維京人,早期,他們的生存環境極為惡劣,

  • were held together for four-and-a-half centuries

    之所以他們能相互扶持,頑強的持續4個半世紀,

  • by their shared commitment to religion,

    那是因為他們有著共同的信仰,

  • and by their strong social cohesion. But those two things --

    以及巨大的凝聚力。但恰恰正是因為這兩個原因:

  • commitment to religion and strong social cohesion --

    宗教信仰以及社會凝聚力,

  • also made it difficult for them to change at the end

    導致了他們最後很難去做出改變,

  • and to learn from the Inuit. Or today -- Australia.

    以及向因紐特人學習。另外一個例子:澳大利亞。

  • One of the things that enabled Australia to survive

    澳大利亞之所以生存並能夠持續發展,

  • in this remote outpost of European civilization

    即使它在地理位置上遠離歐洲文明,

  • for 250 years has been their British identity.

    那是因為250年來,他們一直是大不列顛的屬國。

  • But today, their commitment to a British identity

    但如今,他們的這種身份,

  • is serving Australians poorly in their need to adapt

    卻使得自己很難去適應他們在

  • to their situation in Asia. So it's particularly difficult

    亞洲的地位。因此,這的確是個艱難的轉變過程:

  • to change course when the things that get you in trouble

    意識到那些給你帶來麻煩的事情,

  • are the things that are also the source of your strength.

    正是之前你力量的來源。

  • What's going to be the outcome today?

    當今社會可能會走向何方呢?

  • Well, all of us know the dozen sorts of ticking time bombs

    嗯,我們都知道,當今世界上,數十種可能導致社會瓦解的“定時炸彈”

  • going on in the modern world, time bombs that have fuses

    正在滴答滴答的走著。這些“定時炸彈”大都是

  • of a few decades to -- all of them, not more than 50 years,

    最近數十年被“點燃”的,而最早的,不會超過50年。

  • and any one of which can do us in; the time bombs of water,

    但其中每一個,都能讓我們萬劫不復。比方說:水資源、

  • of soil, of climate change, invasive species,

    土壤問題、氣候變化、外來物種入侵、

  • the photosynthetic ceiling, population problems, toxics, etc., etc. --

    光合上限問題、人口問題、有毒物質等等、等等。

  • listing about 12 of them. And while these time bombs --

    一共有將近12個。如前所述,這些“定時炸彈”

  • none of them has a fuse beyond 50 years, and most of them

    幾乎都是近50年以來才產生的,而且其中大多數

  • have fuses of a few decades -- some of them, in some places,

    是近幾十年才有的。有些地方

  • have much shorter fuses. At the rate at which we're going now,

    甚至更近幾年才有的。按照目前這個趨勢,

  • the Philippines will lose all its accessible loggable forest

    菲律賓耗盡他們可供砍伐的森林,

  • within five years. And the Solomon Islands are only

    只需要5年時間;而所羅門群島,

  • one year away from losing their loggable forest,

    只需要1年時間,

  • which is their major export. And that's going to be spectacular

    而木材,正是他們的主要出口物。這無疑對

  • for the economy of the Solomons. People often ask me,

    所羅門群島的經濟是毀滅性的打擊。人們常常問我,

  • Jared, what's the most important thing that we need to do

    賈德,為了拯救地球,對於生態環境的惡化,

  • about the world's environmental problems?

    當務之急,我們最應該做的一件事情是什麼?

  • And my answer is, the most important thing we need to do

    我的答案通常是:我們最應該做的一件事情是,

  • is to forget about there being any single thing that is

    放棄這個天真的想法:認為我們只需要做好最應該做好的那一件事,

  • the most important thing we need to do.

    就可以把整個問題解決。

  • Instead, there are a dozen things, any one of which could do us in.

    畢竟我們面臨著一打問題,而每一個,都是致命的。

  • And we've got to get them all right, because if we solve 11,

    我們必須將它們全部解決,要不然,就算我們成功解決了11個,

  • we fail to solve the 12th -- we're in trouble. For example,

    還剩下第12個,我們同樣得完蛋。舉例來說,

  • if we solve our problems of water and soil and population,

    如果我們解決了水資源問題、土壤問題以及人口問題,

  • but don't solve our problems of toxics, then we are in trouble.

    但沒能解決有毒物質的問題,我們還是得陷入麻煩。

  • The fact is that our present course is a non-sustainable course,

    事實上,我們現在正處於不穩定階段,

  • which means, by definition, that it cannot be maintained.

    這就是說,理論上講,這種狀態不可能長久的。

  • And the outcome is going to get resolved within a few decades.

    在未來的數十年間,這些問題終將被解決。

  • That means that those of us in this room who are less than

    這就是說,現在正在觀看我這個演講的人中,

  • 50 or 60 years old will see how these paradoxes are resolved,

    那些五六十歲以下的人,將有幸看到這些矛盾被解決,

  • and those of us who are over the age of 60 may not see

    而那些超過60歲的人,比如說我,可能就不能親眼目睹了,

  • the resolution, but our children and grandchildren certainly will.

    不過我們的孩子,或者孫子們肯定可以見證這一刻。

  • The resolution is going to achieve either of two forms:

    這些問題將會可能有兩種解決形式:

  • either we will resolve these non-sustainable time-fuses

    一種是:我們通過一些溫和的方式來停止這一不穩定狀態,

  • in pleasant ways of our own choice by taking remedial action,

    比如說主動採取一些矯正措施;

  • or else these conflicts are going to get settled

    或者是,這些衝突會通過一些

  • in unpleasant ways not of our choice -- namely, by war,

    非我們意志所能改變的方式被解決,即戰爭、

  • disease or starvation. But what's for sure is that our

    疾病或者饑荒。可以肯定的是,

  • non-sustainable course will get resolved in one way or another

    這一不穩定狀態在未來數十年間會結束,通過這樣或那樣的方法。

  • in a few decades. In other words, since the theme of this session

    換言之,既然這個系列的主題是

  • is choices, we have a choice. Does that mean that we should

    “選擇”,我們還有得選。之前的分析是不是意味著

  • get pessimistic and overwhelmed? I draw the reverse conclusion.

    一切已經無濟於事,我們只能悲觀以對呢?我認為,恰恰相反。

  • The big problems facing the world today are not at all

    當今世界面臨著的那些大的問題一點都沒有

  • things beyond our control. Our biggest threat is not an asteroid

    超出我們的控制範圍。畢竟,我們面對的最大威脅並不是

  • about to crash into us, something we can do nothing about.

    小行星撞地球,如果是那樣,我們倒的確只能坐以待斃。

  • Instead, all the major threats facing us today are problems

    相反的,當今我們所面臨的所有重大威脅,

  • entirely of our own making. And since we made the problems,

    其實都是自找的。既然我們能製造出這些問題,

  • we can also solve the problems. That then means that it's

    我們其實也能解決這些問題。這就是說,

  • entirely in our power to deal with these problems.

    靠我們的力量,足以應付這些麻煩。

  • In particular, what can all of us do? For those of you

    具體而言,我們可以做些什麼呢?

  • who are interested in these choices, there are lots of things

    對於那些相信“我們的選擇可以改變未來”的人而言,你們能做的

  • you can do. There's a lot that we don't understand,

    有很多。有許多事情我們現在並不清楚,

  • and that we need to understand. And there's a lot that

    但這些事很重要,我們一定得弄清楚;還有許多事情,

  • we already do understand, but aren't doing, and that

    雖然我們已經弄明白了,但還沒有開始做﹐

  • we need to be doing. Thank you.

    謝謝!

  • (Applause)

    (掌聲)

I think all of us have been interested, at one time or another,

社會瓦解之謎,我相信各位都曾對此感過興趣,

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