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  • >>Michael Sandel: Here's a question we need to rethink together: What should be the role

  • of money and markets in our societies? Today, there are fewer and fewer things that

  • money can't buy. If you're ever sentenced to a jail term in

  • Santa Barbara, California -- just in case that happens to you -- you should know that

  • if you don't like the standard accommodations, you can buy -- if you have the money, you

  • can buy a prison cell upgrade. [ Laughter ]

  • >>Michael Sandel: It's true. For how much would you guess? What would you say? How much

  • would that be? >> (Speaker is off microphone.)

  • >>Michael Sandel: $500? Per night? It's not the Ritz-Carlton. It's not --

  • [ Laughter ] >>Michael Sandel: It's just slightly -- it's

  • $90 a night. If you go to an amusement park, used to be

  • at amusement parks part of the experience was waiting in long lines for the popular

  • rides. Everybody had to do it. But that's not really true today. In most amusement parks,

  • if you don't like waiting in long queues, you can buy a -- pay more and buy a fast-track

  • ticket straight to the head of the line. In fact, it's not just at amusement parks.

  • There are more and more aspects of life today where you can buy your way to the head of

  • the queue. You can do this even if you want to hear -- sit in on a Congressional hearing

  • in Washington, D.C. but you don't want to stand in the long line for the seats that

  • are made available. You can now go to a company. One of them is called linestanding.com. You

  • pay them a certain amount of money. They will hire a homeless person or someone else who

  • needs the work to stand in the line, overnight if need be, to make sure that you get a seat

  • in the front row of the hearing room, buying your way to the head of the queue.

  • But also, the role of money in markets is also shaping bigger institutions.

  • Take the way we fight our wars. In Iraq and Afghanistan, there were more private military

  • contractors on the ground than there were U.S. military troops.

  • Now, this isn't because we had a public debate about whether we wanted to outsource war to

  • private companies, but this is what has happened. Over the past three decades we've experienced

  • a quiet revolution. We have drifted, almost without realizing it, from having a market

  • economy to becoming market societies. The difference is this: A market economy is

  • a tool, a valuable and effective tool, for organizing productive activity. But a market

  • society is a place where everything is up for sale. It's a way of life in which market

  • values and market thinking begin to invade and to govern almost every aspect of life.

  • Why worry about this? Should we worry about it? That's the question I'd like to discuss

  • with you today. And I do mean "discuss." I'd like to put to

  • you a question and get your views about a novel use of a market mechanism, a cash incentive,

  • to achieve a social good. In many schools around the world, there is

  • the struggle to motivate young people to study hard, to work hard, to aspire. Especially

  • schools with many kids who come from disadvantaged backgrounds.

  • In the U.S., many of the major urban school districts have been experimenting with the

  • use of a cash incentive to motivate academic achievement. They've tried this in New York,

  • in Washington, D.C., in Chicago. Cash for good grades -- $50 for an "A," $35 for a "B"

  • -- for doing well on standardized tests. In Dallas, Texas, they have a program that

  • pays young children -- 8-year-olds -- $2 for each book they read.

  • Now, I'd like to see what you think about this. The aim is obviously a good one: To

  • lift up academic performance. And yet some people object.

  • So let's begin with a show of hands. We'll take a quick poll here.

  • Imagine that you are in charge of a big school district and someone comes to you with this

  • proposal: Cash incentives for good grades, high test scores, or to read books.

  • How many of you here think that would be worth a try and how many, as the head of the school,

  • would object and would rule it out? So let's see by a show of hands.

  • How many think it would be worth a try? [ Show of hands ]

  • >>Michael Sandel: And how many would be opposed in principle?

  • [ Show of hands ] >>Michael Sandel: All right. The majority

  • here are opposed in principle, but a healthy minority think it would be worth a try.

  • Let's begin by hearing from those of you who reject the idea outright, who don't even want

  • to give it a try, who have an objection in principle.

  • Who will start off our discussion? We have people with microphones, so tell us

  • -- someone who objects -- why do you object? Yes. Stand up and tell us why. We'll get you

  • a microphone. >>> I think you should have children have

  • intrinsic motivation, so I don't think there should be incentives through cash.

  • >>Michael Sandel: And by -- tell us your name. >>> I'm Amanda Jobbins from The Sage Group.

  • >>Michael Sandel: Amanda... >>> Jobbins. Amanda.

  • >>Michael SandelAnd Amanda, you say children should have intrinsic motivations to learn.

  • What do you mean by that? What does that mean concretely, and why would money interfere

  • with intrinsic motivations? >>> Well, I think it's a life skill that you

  • have to be -- you have to have intrinsic motivation, so self-motivation, and I think cash reduces

  • the chances that they'll develop motivation on their own. They'll always be motivated

  • by external stimulus. >>Michael Sandel: And so if you pay for good

  • grades or to read books, what are they going to learn? What do you worry about?

  • >>> That they'll only ever do things for money and I think that life is about more than just

  • money. >>Michael Sandel: Okay. Thank you for that.

  • That's a strong objection. Now, who thinks it would be worth trying the

  • cash incentive scheme and -- Go ahead. And what would you say to the argument

  • Amanda has just presented? >>> I think it is a very idealistic view.

  • I think people who come from unprivileged families will never be told that learning

  • is important, and if there is an incentive to make them grow and learn more about society

  • and give them opportunities, we should go full speed at it.

  • >>Michael Sandel: And what's your name? >>> Veronique.

  • >>Michael Sandel: Veronique? Amanda, here, stand up and speak.

  • Amanda, Veronique says you have a hopelessly idealistic view.

  • [ Laughter ] >>> I live in Europe. I'm an optimist.

  • >>Michael SandelSee if you can persuade Veronique that this is -- that there's something wrong

  • with this. >>> I suppose it just comes down to whether

  • you think money is the only important thing in life or whether people are only motivated

  • by money. So I'd like to think that people are motivated

  • for other reasons. I do understand that if you come from a family,

  • perhaps, where education wasn't valued very highly, that in certain circumstances that

  • might prompt you, I guess, to take a move, but it's also been my experience that people

  • that have the opportunity for education, that come from an underprivileged background, tend

  • to value the education anyway and find their own motivation as a consequence to work their

  • way out of poverty. >>Michael Sandel: All right. So is there someone

  • else who would like to disagree with Amanda who thinks it would be worth trying, at least,

  • to see if it works? Yes. Toward the back.

  • >>> 10 years ago, I was in a high school in Indiana and it was the same situation. You

  • saw people that were not really motivated taking part of the discussion, and the test

  • was not cash but candy, and it worked in the beginning quite well, so the people were raising

  • their hands, they were participating, but one day the teacher didn't have candy anymore

  • and, yeah, they just stopped. It was conditioned, you could say. Even like

  • Maslow, you could say "Okay, there's no candy, why should I raise my hand and participate?"

  • >>Michael Sandel: So you're against? >>> I'm against, but I saw in the beginning

  • it worked. So for the short term, I would say you can

  • see an increase, and if someone would measure in the beginning, it would be a positive thing,

  • but -- >>Michael Sandel: But when the money stops

  • or the candy -- >>> Yeah.

  • >>Michael Sandel: -- so, you fear, will the reading?

  • >>> Yes. >>Michael Sandel: All right. Is there anyone

  • who wants to defend this? Yes. Go ahead. Stand up.

  • >>> Hi, Michael. I'm not sure "defend" is the right word, but I would say that all the

  • people who say, you know, cash incentives are wrong, bear in mind, anyone who's got

  • kids, everything is a negotiation of some sort of another, and kids get offered cars

  • if they pass their exams -- >>Michael Sandel: Cars? So cars. That's more

  • than $50 for an "A." [ Laughter ]

  • >>Michael Sandel: A car. >>> You don't want to do that for everyone,

  • but I'm sure there's enough people in this room who have been through that, but --

  • >>Michael Sandel: Well, wait. Let's see if that's true.

  • What's your name, by the way? >>> Marco.

  • >>Michael Sandel: And were you paid to study? >>> Yes.

  • >>Michael SandelYou were. >>> I was incentivized to pass all my exams

  • and I got a car. >>Michael Sandel: A car.

  • >>> It was only a little car. [ Laughter ]

  • >>Michael Sandel: And so it worked? >>> I think -- I mean, it worked on one -- on

  • some level, but I think to Amanda's point, there's still an intrinsic desire to succeed

  • as well. >>Michael Sandel: And do you pay your kids

  • for good grades? >>> Well, he's 3 at the moment, so --

  • >>Michael Sandel: 3. [ Laughter ]

  • >>Michael Sandel: Will you? >>> I pay him with in Peppa Pig or something

  • like that. >>Michael Sandel: All right. Well, thank you

  • for that. Thank you to everyone who participated in this discussion about cash for good grades.

  • [ Applause ] >>Michael Sandel: I should say something about

  • what happened with these experiments. The results were mixed. The cash for good

  • grades and higher test scores in most cases did not result in higher grades and test scores,

  • but those kids who were paid $2 for each book did read more books. They also read shorter

  • books. [ Laughter ]

  • >>Michael Sandel: But the larger -- the larger question -- the larger question is one that

  • has emerged from this discussion. The worry is -- and Amanda articulated it.

  • The worry is that somehow bringing money or a cash incentive into teaching and learning

  • will corrupt or undermine or drive out the intrinsic love of reading and learning.

  • And that's a question that we need to ask whenever we're considering whether money and

  • markets should be introduced in aspects of life that involve attitudes and values and

  • norms, lessons that may be non-monetary values. A friend of mine pays his young children $1

  • for each thank you note they write, you know, if they're taken out to dinner or are given

  • a gift. I've received some of these thank you notes

  • and I can tell by reading them that they were written under a certain pressure.

  • [ Laughter ] >>Michael Sandel: My wife and I look askance

  • at this practice. We wonder how these kids will turn out.

  • Now, it could be -- this is the optimistic scenario -- that by being paid to write thank

  • you notes, they will get in the habit of it and they will eventually learn the real reason

  • for writing thank you notes -- to express gratitude -- in which case, when the money

  • stops, they will probably continue to write them and all will be well. Or it could happen,

  • as Amanda fears, that by being paid to write thank you notes, the lesson they will learn

  • is that writing thank you notes is a chore, a form of piecework to be done for pay. If

  • that's the lesson they learn, then when the money stops, so may the thank you notes. They

  • may find it difficult ever to learn the virtue of gratitude and their moral education will

  • have been corrupted. That's the question. It's also a question that happens in larger

  • settings throughout our societies. Some years ago in Switzerland, they were trying to decide

  • where to locate a nuclear waste site. No community wants one in its backyard. They identified

  • a small town in the mountains of Switzerland as likely to be the safest place, but under

  • the law, they had to get the approval of the residents, so before the decision was made,

  • a survey was done of the residents of this Swiss town and they were asked: If Parliament

  • chooses your town, would you be willing to approve the nuclear waste site here.

  • Despite the risks, 51% said yes. Then they asked a follow-up question. They sweetened

  • the deal. They said suppose parliament chooses your town and offers financial -- annual financial

  • compensation to each resident of the town. I think it was up to as much as 6,000 Euros

  • a year, then would you vote to approve? Now how many do you think said yes? 80%. Fewer?

  • >>> Yes. >>Michael Sandel: It dropped in half, from

  • 51 to 25%. Now, from the standpoint of standard economic

  • analysis, this is a paradox. Normally when you offer to pay people to do something, the

  • willingness to do that thing increases. Why did it drop in half? Anybody have any ideas?

  • It was the Swiss, you're saying. [ Laughter ]

  • >>Michael Sandel: But the question is: What were they thinking?

  • >>> They felt corrupted. >>Michael Sandel: They felt corrupted? Well,

  • they might have thought -- now, you might say, well, once they were offered money, they

  • thought this really could be more dangerous than I thought. That could be one reason.

  • But it does seem -- it does seem that they tested and found that the estimate of the

  • risk before and after the monetary offer was about the same. So there must be another explanation,

  • which is probably to do with this idea of feeling corrupted.

  • They asked the people, who changed their minds, why did you change? And many of them said,

  • We didn't want to be bribed. We didn't want to be bribed.

  • See, before when the majority were willing to accept, they were willing to make a sacrifice

  • for the sake of the common good, out of a sense of civic responsibility.

  • But when money was offered, it changed the nature, the money changed the nature of the

  • transaction. Now instead of a civic question, it was a

  • financial or a pecuniary one. They were not willing to sell out the safety of their themselves

  • and their families for money. So here we have a range of cases that illustrate the way in

  • which sometimes money and markets and market thinking and market values can corrupt or

  • undermine or crowd out non-market values worth caring about.

  • There are two implications for this. One is economics. Economists often assume that markets

  • are inert, that they do not touch or taint the goods they exchange.

  • Now, this may be true enough if we are talking about material goods. If you sell me a flat-screen

  • television or give me one as a gift, the television will work just as well either way. The value

  • of the good will be unaffected. But the same may not be true when we're talking

  • about activities such as teaching and learning or of sacrificing for the sake of the common

  • good. When markets reach into non-material domains,

  • we have to ask whether they may corrupt or undermine or degrade or crowd out attitudes

  • and norms worth caring about. There's also a political implication of this.

  • Over the past three decades, during the time of rising market faith, something has happened

  • to democratic public discourse. It has become increasingly hollowed out, empty of larger

  • moral and ethical questions. Our public life now is beset by quite narrow

  • managerial and technocratic questions. And it is almost as if we have lost the ability

  • to engage in public life on big questions, to do with justice and how to value goods

  • and what it means to be a citizen. And I think these two tendencies are connected.

  • Markets, the appeal of markets, is that they seem to be a neutral way of deciding fraught,

  • contested questions such as how to value teaching and learning or our bodies, if we are debating

  • whether there should and free market in organs, let's say, or civic life.

  • But this is a spurious appeal. We need to engage in a morally, more robust kind of public

  • debate from the kind to which we're accustomed if we're to decide where markets serve the

  • public good and where they don't belong. We can't avoid debating how to value goods,

  • whether in health, education, family life, personal life, civic life.

  • One of the most corrosive effects of the marketization of everything has been to commonality in the

  • sense of community because in a time of rising inequality, marketizing everything has led

  • to a condition in which people of affluence and people of modest means increasingly live

  • separate lives. We live and work and shop and play in different places. We send our

  • children to different schools. This isn't good for democracy, nor is it a

  • satisfying way to live even for those of us who may be able to buy our way to the head

  • of the line. Here's why. Democracy doesn't require perfect equality.

  • What it does require is that men and women from different social backgrounds, from different

  • walks of life encounter one another, bump up against one another in the course of everyday

  • life because this is how we learn to negotiate and abide our differences.

  • And this is how we come to care for the common good. And so in the end, the question of markets

  • is not mainly an economic question. It's really a question of how we want to live together.

  • Do we want a society where everything is up for sale? Or are there certain moral and civic

  • goods that markets do not honor and money cannot buy? Thank you very much.

>>Michael Sandel: Here's a question we need to rethink together: What should be the role

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