It's a conflict that rarely hits the headlines.

我想要講一個早已被遺忘的紛爭，

It happens right here, in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

那是很少上頭條的紛爭。

Now, most people outside of Africa don't know much about the war in Congo,

就發生在這裡 ─ 剛果民主共和國。

so let me give you a couple of key facts.

當今在非洲以外的大部分人 都不太知道在剛果的戰爭，

The Congolese conflict is the deadliest conflict since World War II.

讓我來向你們介紹幾個重大的真相：

It has caused almost four million deaths.

「剛果紛爭」是二次世界大戰之後 死傷最慘重的紛爭，

It has destabilized most of Central Africa for the past 18 years.

奪走了將近四百萬條性命，

It is the largest ongoing humanitarian crisis in the world.

讓中非的許多地方在過去18年來不安定，

That's why I first went to Congo in 2001.

是世界上最大、進行中的人道災難，

I was a young humanitarian aid worker, and I met this woman who was my age.

那就是我在 2001 年 首次去剛果的原因。

She was called Isabelle.

當時我是個年輕的人道援助人員， 碰到了一位和我同年齡的女士，

Local militias had attacked Isabelle's village.

她的名字是「伊莎貝爾」。

They had killed many men, raped many women.

地方民兵攻擊了她的村落，

They had looted everything.

他們殺掉許多男人、強姦許多女人，

And then they wanted to take Isabelle,

他們搜括走所有東西。

but her husband stepped in,

後來他們還打算帶走伊莎貝爾，

and he said, "No, please don't take Isabelle.

但是她的丈夫出面干涉了，

Take me instead."

他說：「不行，請不要帶走伊莎貝爾， 用我來頂替吧！」，

So he had gone to the forest with the militias,

為此他就和民兵一起了進入森林裡，

and Isabelle had never seen him again.

而伊莎貝爾就不曾再見過他了。

Well, it's because of people like Isabelle and her husband

就是因為有像伊莎貝爾 和她丈夫的這些人，

that I have devoted my career to studying this war

我才投入我的生涯來研究這場 我們所知極少的戰爭。

that we know so little about.

有一種對剛果的報導你們可能知道，

Although there is one story about Congo that you may have heard.

乃有關礦產和強暴的報導。

It's a story about minerals and rape.

政策聲明以及新聞媒體，

Policy statements and media reports

通常皆關注於剛果動亂的一個主要原因－

both usually focus on a primary cause of violence in Congo --

非法盜採和走私天然資源；

the illegal exploitation and trafficking of natural resources --

還有一個重大的不良後果－

and on a main consequence --

當作戰爭手段來性侵女人和女孩。

sexual abuse of women and girls as a weapon of war.

並非這兩個主題不重要、不悲慘， 它們既重要也悲慘；

So, not that these two issues aren't important and tragic. They are.

不過今天我想要跟你們 講不一樣的故事，

But today I want to tell you a different story.

我的故事側重在進行中之紛爭的核心原因。

I want to tell you a story that emphasizes a core cause

在剛果的動亂大部分是地方 由下而上擴展的紛爭所帶動，

of the ongoing conflict.

國際建立和平任務 在協助處理這些紛爭上也受到挫敗。

Violence in Congo is in large part driven by local bottom-up conflicts

故事始於剛果在現實中 不但是世界上惡名昭彰、

that international peace efforts have failed to help address.

進行中之最惡劣的人道災難，

The story starts from the fact that not only is Congo notable

同時還是世界上某些最大規模

for being the world's worst ongoing humanitarian crisis,

國際的和平任務建立之據點。

but it is also home to some of the largest

在剛果進行著世界上最大、

international peacebuilding efforts in the world.

最耗錢的聯合國維護和平任務，

Congo hosts the largest

它也是第一個由歐洲主導 維護和平任務的地方；

and most expensive United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world.

國際刑事法庭決定起訴剛果的軍閥，

It was also the site of the first European-led peacekeeping mission,

這也是剛果有史以來的第一次。

and for its first cases ever,

在 2006 年剛果舉辦了 史上第一次的全民選舉，

the International Criminal Court chose to prosecute Congolese warlords.

許多觀察家認為此地區的動亂 終於快要結束了；

In 2006, when Congo held the first free national elections in its history,

國際社會讚揚選舉成功的籌辦，

many observers thought that an end to violence in the region had finally come.

就像是在破敗的國家裡 終於有成功的國際介入案例。

The international community lauded the successful organization of these elections

不過東部的省份持續面臨著 大量流離失所的人口，

as finally an example of successful international intervention

還有可怕的侵犯人權行為。

in a failed state.

去年夏天在我重回那裡的不久前，

But the eastern provinces

南基伍省發生了恐怖的屠殺案，

have continued to face massive population displacements

有33 人被殺害；

and horrific human rights violations.

大多數是女人跟小孩，

Shortly before I went back there last summer,

許多是被砍殺致死的。

there was a horrible massacre in the province of South Kivu.

在過去八年的期間裡，

Thirty-three people were killed.

東部省份的鬥爭經常地激發出 全面性的內戰和跨國戰爭。

They were mostly women and children,

基本而言， 每次我們感覺已經走到了和平的邊上，

and many of them were hacked to death.

紛爭卻又會再次爆發。

During the past eight years,

為什麼？

fighting in the eastern provinces has regularly reignited

為什麼有了大量的國際奧援，

full-scale civil and international war.

要幫助剛果獲取長久的和平 與安全上卻不管用呢？

So basically, every time we feel that we are on the brink of peace,

我的答案與兩個主要的 觀察脫離不了關係，

the conflict explodes again.

第一、在剛果動亂持續不斷的主要原因之一，

Why?

本質上是地方的原因；

Why have the massive international efforts

我說的「地方」 ─

failed to help Congo achieve lasting peace and security?

其實是指個人、家庭、

Well, my answer to this question revolves around two central observations.

宗族、自治市、社群、地區的等級，

First, one of the main reasons for the continuation of violence in Congo

有時候可能是種族之層級。

is fundamentally local --

比如說還記得伊莎貝爾的故事吧，

and when I say local,

民兵之所以攻擊伊莎貝爾的村落，

I really mean at the level of the individual, the family,

是因為他們想要取得土地；

the clan, the municipality, the community, the district,

而村民需要這些土地來栽種食物與維持生計。

sometimes the ethnic group.

第二個主要觀察、

For instance, you remember the story of Isabelle that I told you.

國際的和平推動在協助處理 地方性紛爭上是不管用的，

Well, the reason why militias had attacked Isabelle's village

因為目前建立和平的主流文化 ─

was because they wanted to take the land

我指的是大多數致力於化解衝突的 西方與非洲的外交官們、

that the villagers needed to cultivate food and to survive.

聯合國的維護和平人員、贊助者們、

The second central observation is that international peace efforts

非政府組織的成員們，

have failed to help address local conflicts

他們全都共享著一個看待世界 的獨特方式，

because of the presence of a dominant peacebuilding culture.

我也曾是其中的一份子， 我有分享到這種文化，

So what I mean is that

所以我極其明白它有多強大。

Western and African diplomats,

遍及整個世界、紛爭區域，

United Nations peacekeepers, donors,

這個共同的文化影響著國際介入者 對動亂起因的認知，

the staff of most nongovernmental organizations

把它當作是主要定位在國家與國際範疇的東西。

that work with the resolution of conflict,

它影響到我們對和平之路的理解：

they all share a specific way of seeing the world.

當做同樣需要從中央往地方

And I was one of these people, and I shared this culture,

去推行的某種介入；

so I know all too well how powerful it is.

而且它影響了我們對國際外力

Throughout the world, and throughout conflict zones,

在參與國內和跨國和平步驟時角色的認知。

this common culture shapes the intervener's understanding

更重要的是這個共有文化

of the causes of violence

讓國際建立和平的介入者 忽視了細瑣的衝突，

as something that is primarily located in the national and international spheres.

但那經常有損於總體面之和平協定。

It shapes our understanding of the path toward peace

舉例來說在剛果，

as something again that requires top-down intervention

正因為這樣的社交化和培訓，

to address national and international tensions.

聯合國官員、贊助者、外交人員、

And it shapes our understanding of the roles of foreign actors

和大多數非政府機構的成員們，

as engaging in national and international peace processes.

他們將持續不斷的鬥爭和屠殺 理解成從中央往地方衍生出來的問題；

Even more importantly, this common culture

對他們而言所見之動亂，

enables international peacebuilders to ignore the micro-level tensions

乃是卡比拉總統和許多國內對手之間、

that often jeopardize the macro-level settlements.

剛果與盧安達和烏干達之間

So for instance, in Congo,

緊張關係的後果。

because of how they are socialized and trained,

此外這些國際和平組織視地方紛爭

United Nations officials, donors, diplomats,

單純是國內和國際之緊張關係、

the staff of most nongovernmental organizations,

不完善的國家權力所造成的結果，

they interpret continued fighting and massacres as a top-down problem.

還有他們指稱所謂的剛果人 對動亂固有的喜好。

To them, the violence they see

主流文化也構成了

is the consequence of tensions between President Kabila

在國家與國際程度的介入，

and various national opponents,

是聯合國職員和外交官們 唯一合本分與合法的任務；

and tensions between Congo, Rwanda and Uganda.

還有它拉抬了普選的籌辦，

In addition, these international peacebuilders view local conflicts

普選如今有點像是萬靈丹，

as simply the result of national and international tensions,

變成最為關鍵的國家重建機制，

insufficient state authority,

遠勝過其他有效的國家發展手段。

and what they call the Congolese people's so-called inherent penchant for violence.

這不只是剛果， 在許多其他衝突地區也一樣。

The dominant culture also constructs intervention

不過就讓我們再看深入一點，

at the national and international levels

找出動亂的其他主要根源。

as the only natural and legitimate task for United Nations staffers and diplomats.

在剛果持續上演的動亂，

And it elevates the organization of general elections,

不只是被國家和國際的因素所驅動，

which is now a sort of cure-all,

更是因為由來已久的 從地方擴及全國的紛爭，

as the most crucial state reconstruction mechanism

這些首要的煽動者是村民、傳統頭目、

over more effective state-building approaches.

社群頭目或是種族領袖。

And that happens not only in Congo but also in many other conflict zones.

許多紛爭都和政治、社會、 經濟方面脫不了關係，

But let's dig deeper,

都是專屬於地方性的議題：

into the other main sources of violence.

比如說在村落或地區的層級 有多不勝數的競爭，

In Congo, continuing violence

糾執於根據傳統律法 誰可以成為村落或領地的主事者、

is motivated not only by the national and international causes

誰可以決定土地的分配、

but also by longstanding bottom-up agendas

誰有地方礦區的開採權等等。

whose main instigators are villagers, traditional chiefs,

這種競爭經常造成地方性的爭鬥，

community chiefs or ethnic leaders.

比如說在村落或領地裡，

Many conflicts revolve around political, social and economic stakes

又很頻繁地擴大成全面性的戰事，

that are distinctively local.

延燒到整個省份，

For instance, there is a lot of competition

甚至有幾次還打到鄰國裡去。

at the village or district level

就拿有著盧安達血緣的剛果人

over who can be chief of village or chief of territory

以及俗稱「基伍人」的原住民社群 之間的紛爭來說吧，

according to traditional law,

紛爭始於 1930 年代 比利時殖民期間，

and who can control the distribution of land

當雙邊社群在競逐 土地使用權以及地方權勢時；

and the exploitation of local mining sites.

1960 年剛果獨立後紛爭更嚴重了，

This competition often results in localized fighting,

因為每個陣營都企圖 與國內政治人物結盟，

for instance in one village or territory,

但是仍然要推展地方事項。

and quite frequently, it escalates into generalized fighting,

之後在 1994 年盧安達的種族大屠殺，

so across a whole province,

這些地方人物與剛果、 盧安達的武裝團體結盟，

and even at times into neighboring countries.

不過依然要推展基伍 數個省份之地方事項。

Take the conflict between Congolese of Rwandan descent

自此之後， 這些土地和權勢的地方爭議

and the so-called indigenous communities of the Kivus.

一直在助漲動亂，

This conflict started in the 1930s during Belgian colonization,

它們也一再地損害

when both communities competed over access to land and to local power.

國家與國際的協定。

Then, in 1960, after Congolese independence,

因此我們可以想一想 為什麼在這些情形下，

it escalated because each camp tried to align with national politicians,

國際建立和平者在協助推動

but still to advance their local agendas.

地方性和平建造計畫上是失敗的。

And then, at the time of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda,

答案就是國際介入者

these local actors allied with Congolese and Rwandan armed groups,

認為基層衝突的化解

but still to advance their local agendas in the provinces of the Kivus.

是不重要、不熟悉、不合法的任務，

And since then, these local disputes over land and local power

逐漸牽扯進地方層級事務的想法

have fueled violence,

會重大地牴觸到現存的常規，

and they have regularly jeopardized

而且威脅到重大的組織利益。

the national and international settlements.

就拿聯合國的身份來說，

So we can wonder why in these circumstances

要是它改為關注地方紛爭，

the international peacebuilders have failed to help implement

這個宏觀層面的外交組織將會被顛覆。

local peacebuilding programs.

而結局就是－

And the answer is that international interveners

既非主流方法之運作的內部排斥，

deem the resolution of grassroots conflict

亦非外部衝擊，

an unimportant, unfamiliar, and illegitimate task.

有成功說服國際外力重新評估

The very idea of becoming involved at the local level clashes fundamentally

他們對暴亂以及介入的認識。

with existing cultural norms,

迄今只發生過非常少的例外情形;

and it threatens key organizational interests.

相對於廣泛的案例來說，

For instance, the very identity of the United Nations

是有例外情形不過極少見。

as this macro-level diplomatic organization

那麼總結一下，

would be upended if it were to refocus on local conflicts.

我的故事講述了主流的建造和平文化

And the result is that neither the internal resistance

如何影響到介入者對動亂起因的認知、

to the dominant ways of working

如何締造和平、

nor the external shocks

以及介入應該要達成的目標。

have managed to convince international actors that they should reevaluate

這些理解讓國際建立和平介入者

their understanding of violence and intervention.

得以漠視細瑣程度的根本問題，

And so far, there have been only very few exceptions.

但那對可持久的和平來說 卻是非常必要。

There have been exceptions, but only very few exceptions,

對地方性紛爭的不看重，

to this broad pattern.

會導致短期內不合宜的和平建立計畫，

So to wrap up, the story I just told you

以及長期來說可能發生的戰事重啟，

is a story about how a dominant peacebuilding culture

這個分析有意思的地方，

shapes the intervener's understanding of what the causes of violence are,

是它能幫助我們更了解非洲及他處 許多沒完沒了的紛爭

how peace is made,

以及國際介入失敗的案例。

and what interventions should accomplish.

從阿富汗、蘇丹到東帝汶共和國等地

These understandings enable international peacebuilders

地方紛爭在戰爭最嚴重 或戰後的環境煽起動亂。

to ignore the micro-level foundations

極少的案例會有完整的、

that are so necessary for sustainable peace.

從地方往中央進行的建立和平手段，

The resulting inattention to local conflicts

而這些做法成功地讓和平得以維持。

leads to inadequate peacebuilding in the short term

最佳的案例之一是

and potential war resumption in the long term.

相對狀況較為和平的索瑪利蘭，

And what's fascinating is that this analysis

其受益於可持久、基層的建立和平方法，

helps us to better understand many cases of lasting conflict

相比之下，大多由中央向下推動和平的

and international intervention failures, in Africa and elsewhere.

索馬利亞其它地區依然動亂猖獗。

Local conflicts fuel violence in most war and post-war environments,

還有其他幾個案例，

from Afghanistan to Sudan to Timor-Leste,

對地方、基層的紛爭排解辦法

and in the rare cases where there have been comprehensive,

已經造成了重大的差異。

bottom-up peacebuilding initiatives,

要是我們希望國際建立和平行得通，

these attempts have been successful at making peace sustainable.

除了由中央往地方的介入以外，

One of the best examples is the contrast

紛爭必定要由地方往中央依序來解決。

between the relatively peaceful situation in Somaliland,

不是說國家和國際的緊張情勢不重要，

which benefited from sustained grassroots peacebuilding initiatives,

那是重要的；

and the violence prevalent in the rest of Somalia,

不是說國家和國際的建立和平不必要，

where peacebuilding has been mostly top-down.

那是必要的。

And there are several other cases

然而為了讓和平永續長存，

in which local, grassroots conflict resolution

大方向和小細節的 和平建設都是必要的。

has made a crucial difference.

而且地方型非政府組織、

So if we want international peacebuilding to work,

治理機關和人民代表

in addition to any top-down intervention,

應該成為由地方往中央推展的 建立和平之主角。

conflicts must be resolved from the bottom up.

當然了也會碰到屏障：

And again, it's not that national and international tensions don't matter.

地方介入者常常欠缺資金、

They do.

後勤通路和技術能力，

And it's not that national and international peacebuilding

以執行有效的地方和平建立計畫。

isn't necessary.

國際介入者應該增加資金和援助，

It is.

以支持地方之紛爭排解。

Instead, it is that both macro-level and micro-level peacebuilding are needed

拿剛果來說可以做些什麼呢？

to make peace sustainable,

歷經 20 年的紛爭、數百萬條性命逝去後，

and local nongovernmental organizations,

很明確的是我們必須改變方法。

local authorities and civil society representatives

根據我的實地研究，

should be the main actors in the bottom-up process.

我深信國際和剛果的介入者，

So of course, there are obstacles.

應該多放些心力來解決土地紛爭、

Local actors often lack the funding

和促進社群內的和解。

and sometimes the logistical means and the technical capacity

例如基伍省，

to implement effective, local peacebuilding programs.

「生活與和平機構」與其剛果的同僚

So international actors should expand their funding and support

已經建立了社群內部論壇，

for local conflict resolution.

討論針對土地紛爭的細節問題，

As for Congo, what can be done?

而這些論壇已經找到 有助於控制動亂的解決方案，

After two decades of conflict and the deaths of millions,

那就是整個東剛果極度需要的計畫。

it's clear that we need to change our approach.

有了像這樣的計畫

Based on my field research,

我們可以用來幫助類似 伊沙貝兒和她丈夫這樣的人。

I believe that international and Congolese actors

這不會成為魔法棒，

should pay more attention to the resolution of land conflict

但因為它們考慮到了 深植於動亂的緣由，

and the promotion of inter-community reconciliation.

它們一定可以開創新機 ！

So for instance, in the province of the Kivus,

謝謝你們！

the Life and Peace Institute and its Congolese partners

(掌聲)

have set up inter-community forums

to discuss the specifics of local conflicts over land,

and these forums have found solutions to help manage the violence.

That's the kind of program that is sorely needed