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  • In 2008, Burhan Hassan, age 17,

    譯者: Wilde Luo 審譯者: Bighead Ge

  • boarded a flight from Minneapolis

    在2008年,一位17歲的 年輕人,布爾漢.漢森,

  • to the Horn of Africa.

    在明尼亞波利斯登機,

  • And while Burhan was the youngest recruit,

    飛往非洲之角意為索馬利亞半島.

  • he was not alone.

    雖然布爾漢是徵募兵裡面最年輕的,

  • Al-Shabaab managed to recruit over two dozen young men

    但他不是獨自一個人.

  • in their late teens and early 20s

    索馬利亞青年黨, 計畫從大孩子到20出頭的青年中--

  • with a heavy presence on social media platforms like Facebook.

    他們活躍在社交媒體平台,像是臉書--

  • With the Internet and other technologies,

    招募二十多個年輕人.

  • they've changed our everyday lives,

    網路或是其他科技,

  • but they've also changed recruitment, radicalization

    它們改變了我們每天的生活.

  • and the front lines of conflict today.

    但也改變了徵募新兵制,激進主義

  • What about the links connecting Twitter,

    以及前線戰火的衝突.

  • Google and protesters fighting for democracy?

    你是怎麼看待

  • These numbers represent Google's public DNS servers,

    連結推特, 谷歌和為了捍衛民主自由權的 抗議群眾呢?

  • effectively the only digital border crossing

    這些數字代表的是Google的 DNS服務器的IP地址,

  • protesters had and could use

    實際上的唯一一個網絡邊界,

  • to communicate with each other, to reach the outside world

    抗議者可以使用它

  • and to spread viral awareness

    互相溝通,與外在的世界連結,

  • of what was happening in their own country.

    並且散播關於他們國家所發生的事,

  • Today, conflict is essentially borderless.

    來引起廣泛的公眾意識.

  • If there are bounds to conflict today,

    在今日,衝突的發生是無國界的.

  • they're bound by digital, not physical geography.

    如果衝突是有界限的,

  • And under all this is a vacuum of power

    應該 限於數位化的科技上的, 而不是自然地理學上的.

  • where non-state actors, individuals and private organizations

    在這種權力真空的情況下,

  • have the advantage over slow, outdated military and intelligence agencies.

    獨立的個人,還有私人機構

  • And this is because, in the digital age of conflict,

    比起舊有的軍隊和情報機構更有優勢.

  • there exists a feedback loop

    這是因為,在充滿衝突的數位化年代,

  • where new technologies, platforms like the ones I mentioned,

    有反饋迴路的存在,

  • and more disruptive ones,

    在這個迴路裡, 新科技, 以及像我之前提過的平台,

  • can be adapted, learned, and deployed by individuals and organizations

    以及更有破壞性的東西,

  • faster than governments can react.

    可以在個人與機構中先適應, 學習並且部署.

  • To understand the pace of our own government thinking on this,

    這比政府的系統反應更為快速.

  • I like to turn to something aptly named

    為了了解我們政府 對這個的想法是怎麼樣的,

  • the Worldwide Threat Assessment,

    我想求助於一個命名恰當的組織,

  • where every year the Director of National Intelligence in the US

    "全球化威脅評估平台",

  • looks at the global threat landscape,

    每年,美國的國家情報總監

  • and he says, "These are the threats, these are the details,

    都會觀察遍布全球的威脅情況,

  • and this is how we rank them."

    並且說"這些是威脅, 這些是所有事件的細節,

  • In 2007, there was absolutely no mention of cyber security.

    這就是我們分危險等級的方法. "

  • It took until 2011, when it came at the end,

    在2007年,絕對不會有人提到網路安全.

  • where other things, like West African drug trafficking, took precedence.

    2011年這個詞才出現, 它最終誕生了.

  • In 2012, it crept up, still behind things like terrorism and proliferation.

    其他優先佔領一席之地的, 像是西非販毒市場.

  • In 2013, it became the top threat,

    在2012年,這個平台還在緩慢的成長, 而快速擴散的恐怖主義卻遙遙領先.

  • in 2014 and for the foreseeable future.

    直到2013年,恐怖主義 這個平台成了首要威脅.

  • What things like that show us

    在2014年以及可預見的未來中,

  • is that there is a fundamental inability today

    像恐怖攻擊這個例子,

  • on the part of governments to adapt and learn in digital conflict,

    會讓政府毫無能力,

  • where conflict can be immaterial, borderless, often wholly untraceable.

    讓它去適應和學習甚麼是數位網路戰,

  • And conflict isn't just online to offline, as we see with terrorist radicalization,

    衝突也許是不重要的, 無國界的,大多無法追蹤.

  • but it goes the other way as well.

    衝突並不像恐怖激進主義只是 線上到線下的模式,

  • We all know the horrible events that unfolded in Paris this year

    也可能是其他的方式.

  • with the Charlie Hebdo terrorist attacks.

    我們都知道今年在巴黎查理周刊總部

  • What an individual hacker or a small group of anonymous individuals did

    發生的恐怖攻擊事件.

  • was enter those social media conversations that so many of us took part in.

    駭客和匿名者的一些小型團體所做的,

  • #JeSuisCharlie.

    就是進入我們平時都在使用的 社交媒體平台.

  • On Facebook, on Twitter, on Google,

    #JeSuisCharlie(我是查理, 話題名).

  • all sorts of places where millions of people, myself included,

    在臉書,推特和谷歌這些平台,

  • were talking about the events

    或是任何像這樣大型的網路平台, 有上百萬人,包括我自己,

  • and saw images like this,

    都在討論那次的攻擊事件.

  • the emotional, poignant image of a baby with "Je suis Charlie" on its wrist.

    當看見這樣的光景,

  • And this turned into a weapon.

    令人情緒交加和深刻的字眼"我是查理"字條,綁在嬰兒的手腕上.

  • What the hackers did was weaponize this image,

    這成為了一項武器.

  • where unsuspecting victims,

    駭客把這樣的照片,製造成武器,

  • like all of us in those conversations,

    並讓我們這些毫無防備的受害者,

  • saw this image, downloaded it

    在所有網路對話的群組上

  • but it was embedded with malware.

    看到這張照片,下載它,

  • And so when you downloaded this image,

    但這張網路照片,已被植入了病毒軟件.

  • it hacked your system.

    所以當你在下載時,

  • It took six days to deploy a global malware campaign.

    病毒就駭進系統裡.

  • The divide between physical and digital domains today

    花了6天,在全球佈署惡意軟體活動.

  • ceases to exist,

    在今日,現實世界和 數位化世界之間的分裂,

  • where we have offline attacks like those in Paris

    已經消失了,

  • appropriated for online hacks.

    發生離線外的攻擊 (像巴黎事件) 的地方,

  • And it goes the other way as well, with recruitment.

    已經被在線網路攻擊所利用.

  • We see online radicalization of teens,

    這種攻擊也轉向募兵制的方式.

  • who can then be deployed globally for offline terrorist attacks.

    我們看到網路上,激進組織裡的青年,

  • With all of this, we see that there's a new 21st century battle brewing,

    佈署於世界各地, 造成網路以外的恐怖攻擊.

  • and governments don't necessarily take a part.

    基於這些事件,我們看到有很多 在新21世紀製造出來的戰爭,

  • So in another case, Anonymous vs. Los Zetas.

    政府不見得會介入.

  • In early September 2011 in Mexico,

    所以另外一個例子是, 匿名者及洛斯哲塔斯的較量.

  • Los Zetas, one of the most powerful drug cartels,

    2001年9月在墨西哥,

  • hung two bloggers with a sign that said,

    洛斯哲塔斯,最有影響力的販毒集團之一,

  • "This is what will happen to all Internet busybodies."

    對二名部落客執行絞刑,並展示著標語,

  • A week later, they beheaded a young girl.

    "所有於網路上愛管閒事的人, 將會變成這樣. "

  • They severed her head, put it on top of her computer

    一星期後,一位女孩被斬首.

  • with a similar note.

    他們砍下她的頭顱, 並放在女孩的電腦上,

  • And taking the digital counteroffensive

    展示著同樣的標語.

  • because governments couldn't even understand what was going on or act,

    並在網路上做出了攻擊,

  • Anonymous, a group we might not associate as the most positive force in the world,

    而政府對事件的發生 根本無從理解及反應,

  • took action,

    匿名者,一個我們無法參與, 卻用正面力量影響世界的組織,

  • not in cyber attacks, but threatening information to be free.

    開始了些行動,

  • On social media, they said,

    不是針對網路攻擊, 而是關於信息自由的威脅警告.

  • "We will release information

    在社交媒體上,他們宣告,

  • that ties prosecutors and governors to corrupt drug deals with the cartel."

    "我們會將這些訊息釋出

  • And escalating that conflict,

    給那些與卡特爾販毒交易相關聯的 檢察官和州長們. "

  • Los Zetas said, "We will kill 10 people for every bit of information you release."

    並會將衝突持續擴大,

  • And so it ended there because it would become too gruesome to continue.

    洛斯哲塔斯回應"當你們每釋放出一點訊息, 我們將會殺十個人. "

  • But what was powerful about this

    所以反擊事件就這樣結束了, 如果繼續行動將會發生更可怕的事.

  • was that anonymous individuals,

    但卻有很大的影響力的地方在於,

  • not federal policia, not military, not politicians,

    匿名者團體本身,

  • could strike fear deep into the heart

    不是聯邦警察,軍方,政客

  • of one of the most powerful, violent organizations in the world.

    有能力將恐懼深深導入在

  • And so we live in an era

    全世界最有權力,暴力的販毒集團中.

  • that lacks the clarity of the past in conflict,

    今日我們活在一個

  • in who we're fighting, in the motivations behind attacks,

    這樣的時代: 缺乏對以前的衝突,

  • in the tools and techniques used,

    對我們與之抗爭的人, 對攻擊行動背後的動機,

  • and how quickly they evolve.

    對科技上的工具和方法,

  • And the question still remains:

    還有對他們發展得有多快 的明晰了解.

  • what can individuals, organizations and governments do?

    不過問題還是存在:

  • For answers to these questions, it starts with individuals,

    個人,機構及政府可以怎麼做?

  • and I think peer-to-peer security is the answer.

    要回答這些問題,先從獨立個人開始,

  • Those people in relationships that bought over teens online,

    我認為答案就在"對等安全".

  • we can do that with peer-to-peer security.

    那些捲入此事的人收買那些 線上的青少年,

  • Individuals have more power than ever before

    我們能用"對等安全"解決它.

  • to affect national and international security.

    個人在影響國家和國際安全上

  • And we can create those positive peer-to-peer relationships

    比起以前更加重要.

  • on and offline,

    我們能創造積極的對等的關係,

  • we can support and educate the next generation of hackers, like myself,

    無論是在線上或是線下

  • instead of saying, "You can either be a criminal or join the NSA."

    我們可以支持並教育我們的下一代駭客, 像我自己,

  • That matters today.

    而不是說, "你要么成為罪犯, 要么加入美國國家安全局. "

  • And it's not just individuals -- it's organizations, corporations even.

    這在今天很重要.

  • They have an advantage to act across more borders,

    而且不只是個人--甚至是組織, 公司.

  • more effectively and more rapidly than governments can,

    他們有穿越更多邊界去行動的優勢.

  • and there's a set of real incentives there.

    比政府更有效率, 更加迅速.

  • It's profitable and valuable

    並且有很多動機去做這件事.

  • to be seen as trustworthy in the digital age,

    能在這個數位時代被認為是可信的

  • and will only be more so in future generations to come.

    是可獲利的, 有價值的.

  • But we still can't ignore government,

    在即將來到的未來幾代中尤其如此.

  • because that's who we turn to for collective action

    但是我們仍然不能忽略政府.

  • to keep us safe and secure.

    因為那是我們通過求助來 使其做出一系列的行動

  • But we see where that's gotten us so far,

    而保障我們的安全的.

  • where there's an inability to adapt and learn in digital conflict,

    但是我們看看目前為止發生了什麼,

  • where at the highest levels of leadership,

    對適應以及研究網路衝突的無能,

  • the Director of the CIA, Secretary of Defense,

    在最高層的領導力上,

  • they say, "Cyber Pearl Harbor will happen." "Cyber 9/11 is imminent."

    中央情報局的主管, 國防部長,

  • But this only makes us more fearful, not more secure.

    他們說, "網路珍珠港事件將會發生. " " 網路911事件迫近. "

  • By banning encryption in favor of mass surveillance and mass hacking,

    這種評論只會讓我們更加恐慌, 而不是感到安全.

  • sure, GCHQ and the NSA can spy on you.

    通過禁止加密, 並且大量監控以及黑客行為,

  • But that doesn't mean that they're the only ones that can.

    国家通信总局和国家安全局 當然能監視你.

  • Capabilities are cheap, even free.

    但是這並不意味著 他們是唯一一個能監控你的人.

  • Technical ability is rising around the world,

    才能是廉價的, 甚至免費.

  • and individuals and small groups have the advantage.

    技術能力在全世界內都在上升,

  • So today it might just be the NSA and GCHQ,

    並且個人和小團隊更為有利.

  • but who's to say that the Chinese can't find that backdoor?

    所以說今天或許只有 国家通信总局和国家安全局監視你.

  • Or in another generation, some kid in his basement in Estonia?

    但是誰又能說中國人不能找到 你的系統的後門呢?

  • And so I would say that it's not what governments can do,

    或者在將來的某一代, 一些自己鑽研黑客技術的孩子?

  • it's that they can't.

    所以我想說這不是政府能做的事.

  • Governments today need to give up power and control

    他們做不了.

  • in order to help make us more secure.

    今天的政府們需要放棄權力和控制權

  • Giving up mass surveillance and hacking and instead fixing those backdoors

    來幫助讓我們更加安全.

  • means that, yeah, they can't spy on us,

    放棄大量的監控和黑客行為, 修補好那些系統的後門--

  • but neither can the Chinese

    這也許意味著他們不能監視我們,

  • or that hacker in Estonia a generation from now.

    但是中國人也不能,

  • And government support for technologies like Tor and Bitcoin

    或者那些深諳黑客技術的下一代年輕人.

  • mean giving up control,

    並且, 政府支持 防追踪瀏覽器以及比特幣等技術,

  • but it means that developers, translators, anybody with an Internet connection,

    也意味著放棄一些控制權,

  • in countries like Cuba, Iran and China, can sell their skills, their products,

    但是也意味著開發者, 翻譯者, 擁有網路連接的任何人,

  • in the global marketplace,

    在一些像古巴, 伊朗以及中國這樣的國家, 能銷售他們的技能, 他們的產品,

  • but more importantly sell their ideas,

    在這全球市場中,

  • show us what's happening in their own countries.

    但更重要的是兜售他們的想法,

  • And so it should be not fearful,

    向我們展示在他們自己的國家正發生著什麼.

  • it should be inspiring to the same governments

    並且這並不可怕,

  • that fought for civil rights, free speech and democracy

    它對那些為公民權利, 自由言論, 民主制度 所努力的政府是充滿鼓舞的,

  • in the great wars of the last century,

    它對在上個世紀世界大戰中的 為公民權利, 自由言論, 民主制度

  • that today, for the first time in human history,

    所努力的政府是充滿鼓舞的,

  • we have a technical opportunity

    直到今日,人類史上的第一次,

  • to make billions of people safer around the world

    我們有一個關於技術的機會,

  • that we've never had before in human history.

    能使全球上億萬人們更安全.

  • It should be inspiring.

    這是在人類歷史上的首次.

  • (Applause)

    這是令人激動的.

In 2008, Burhan Hassan, age 17,

譯者: Wilde Luo 審譯者: Bighead Ge

Subtitles and vocabulary

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B1 US TED 網路 政府 攻擊 衝突 平台

TED】羅德里戈-比尤。政府不瞭解網絡戰。我們需要黑客(政府不瞭解網絡戰。 我們需要黑客|羅德里戈-比尤)。 (【TED】Rodrigo Bijou: Governments don't understand cyber warfare. We need hackers (Governments don't understand cyber warfare. We need hackers | Rodrigo Bijou))

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    Zenn posted on 2021/01/14
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