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  • Translator: Joseph Geni Reviewer: Camille Martínez

  • Hi.

  • You might have noticed that I have half a beard.

  • It's not because I lost a bet.

  • Many years ago, I was badly burned.

  • Most of my body is covered with scars,

  • including the right side of my face.

  • I just don't have hair. That's just how it happened.

  • It looks symmetrical, but almost.

  • Anyway, now that we discussed facial hair,

  • let's move to social science.

  • And in particular, I want us to think about where is the potential for humanity

  • and where we are now.

  • And if you think about it, there's a big gap

  • between where we think we could be and where we are,

  • and it's in all kinds of areas.

  • So let me ask you:

  • How many of you in the last month have eaten more than you think you should?

  • Just kind of general. OK.

  • How many of you in the last month have exercised less than you think you should?

  • OK, and for how many of you has raising your hands twice

  • been the most exercise you got today?

  • (Laughter)

  • How many of you have ever texted while driving?

  • OK, we're getting honest. Let's test your honesty.

  • How many people here in the last month

  • have not always washed your hands when you left the bathroom?

  • (Laughter)

  • A little less honest.

  • By the way, it's interesting how we're willing to admit texting and driving

  • but not washing our hands, that's difficult.

  • (Laughter)

  • We can go on and on.

  • The problem, the topic is that there's lots of things

  • when we know what we could do --

  • we could be very, very different, but we're acting in a very different way.

  • And when we think how do we bridge that gap,

  • the usual answer is, "Just tell people."

  • For example, just tell people that texting and driving is dangerous.

  • Did you know it's dangerous? You should stop doing it.

  • You tell people something is dangerous, and they will stop.

  • Texting and driving is one example.

  • Another very sad example is that in the US,

  • we spend between seven and eight hundred million dollars a year

  • on what's called "financial literacy."

  • And what do we get as a consequence of that?

  • There was recently a study that looked at all the research ever to be conducted

  • on financial literacy -- what's called a meta-analysis.

  • And what they found is that when you tell people,

  • you teach them financial literacy,

  • they learn and they remember.

  • But do people execute? Not so much.

  • The improvement is about three or four percent

  • immediately after the course,

  • and then it goes down.

  • And at the end of the day,

  • the improvement is about 0.1 percent --

  • not zero, but as humanly close to zero as possible.

  • (Laughter)

  • So that's the sad news.

  • The sad news is, giving information to people

  • is just not a good recipe to change behavior.

  • What is?

  • Well, social science has made lots of strides,

  • and the basic insight is that if we want to change behavior,

  • we have to change the environment.

  • The right way is not to change people, it's to change the environment.

  • And I want to present a very simpleminded model of how to think about it:

  • it's to think about behavioral change

  • in the same way that we think about sending a rocket to space.

  • When we think about sending a rocket to space,

  • we want to do two main things.

  • The first one is to reduce friction.

  • We want to take the rocket and have as little friction as possible

  • so it's the most aerodynamic possible.

  • And the second thing is we want to load as much fuel as possible,

  • to give it the most amount of motivation, energy to do its task.

  • And behavior change is the same thing.

  • So let's first talk about friction.

  • In this particular case study I'll tell you about,

  • there's a pharmacy, an online pharmacy.

  • Imagine you go to your doctor.

  • You have a long-term illness,

  • your doctor prescribes to you a medication,

  • you sign up for this online pharmacy

  • and you get your medication in the mail every 90 days.

  • Every 90 days, medication, medication, medication.

  • And this online pharmacy wants to switch people

  • from branded medication to generic medication.

  • So they send people letters, and they say,

  • "Please, please, please, switch to generics.

  • You will save money, we will save money, your employer will save money."

  • And what do people do?

  • Nothing.

  • So they try all kinds of things and nothing happens.

  • So for one year, they give people an amazing offer.

  • They send people a letter, and they say,

  • "If you switch to generics now, it will be free for a whole year."

  • Free for a whole year. Amazing!

  • What percentage of people do you think switched?

  • Less than 10 percent.

  • At this point, they show up to my office.

  • And they come to complain.

  • Why did they pick me?

  • I wrote a couple of papers on the "allure of free."

  • In those papers, we showed that if you reduce the price of something

  • for, let's say, 10 cents to one cent, nothing much happens.

  • You reduce it from one cent to zero, now people get excited.

  • (Laughter)

  • And they said, "Look, we read these papers on 'free,' we gave 'free.'

  • Not working as we expected.

  • What's going on?"

  • I said, "You know, maybe it's a question of friction."

  • They said, "What do you mean?"

  • I said, "People are starting with branded.

  • They can do nothing and end with branded.

  • To move to generic, they have to choose generic over branded,

  • but they also have to do something.

  • They have to return the letter."

  • So this is what we call a "confounded design."

  • Two things are happening at the same time.

  • It's branded versus generic,

  • but it's doing nothing versus doing something.

  • So I said, "Why don't we switch it?

  • Why don't we send people a letter and say, 'We're switching you to generics.

  • You don't need to do anything.

  • If you want to stay with branded, please return the letter.'"

  • (Laughter)

  • Right?

  • What do you think happened?

  • Lawyers, lawyers happened.

  • (Laughter)

  • It turns out, this is illegal.

  • (Laughter)

  • By the way, for brainstorming and creativity,

  • doing things that are illegal and immoral, it's fine,

  • as long as it's just in the brainstorming phase.

  • (Laughter)

  • But this was the purity of the idea,

  • because the initial design was the branded had the no-action benefit.

  • In my illegal, immoral design, generic had the no-action benefit.

  • But they agreed to give people a T-intersection:

  • send people a letter and say,

  • "If you don't return this letter,

  • we will be forced to stop your medications.

  • But when you return the letter, you could choose branded at this price,

  • generic at this price."

  • Now people had to take an action.

  • They were on even footing. Right?

  • It wasn't that one had the no-action benefit.

  • What percentage do you think switched?

  • The vast majority switched.

  • So what does it tell us?

  • Do people like generics, or do we like branded?

  • We hate returning letters.

  • (Laughter)

  • This is the story of friction: small things really matter.

  • And friction is about taking the desired behavior

  • and saying: Where do we have too much friction

  • so it's slowing people down from acting on it?

  • And every time you see that the desired behavior

  • and the easy behavior are not aligned,

  • it means we want to try and realign them.

  • That's the first part. We talked about friction.

  • Now let's talk about motivation.

  • In this particular study,

  • we were trying to get very poor people in a slum called Kibera in Kenya

  • to save a little bit of money for a rainy day.

  • You know, if you're very, very poor, you have no extra money,

  • you live hand to mouth,

  • and from time to time, bad things happen.

  • And when something bad happens, you have nothing to draw on, you borrow.

  • The Kibera people can borrow at sometimes up to 10 percent interest a week.

  • And then, of course, it's really hard to get out of it.

  • You live hand to mouth, something bad happens,

  • you borrow, things get worse and worse and worse.

  • So we wanted people to keep a little bit of money for a rainy day.

  • And we thought about what is the motivation,

  • what is the fuel that we need to add?

  • And we tried all kinds of things.

  • Some people, we texted them once a week and said,

  • "Please try to save 100 shillings" -- about a dollar -- "this week."

  • Some people, we sent a text message as if it came from their kids.

  • So it said, "Hi Mom, hi Dad, this is little Joey" --

  • whatever the name of the kid was --

  • "Try and save 100 shillings this week for the future of our family."

  • Right? I'm Jewish, a little bit of guilt always works.

  • (Laughter)

  • Some people got 10 percent.

  • "Save up to a hundred shillings, we'll give you 10 percent."

  • Some people got 20 percent.

  • Some people got also 10 percent and 20 percent,

  • but they got it with loss aversion.

  • What is loss aversion?

  • Loss aversion is the idea that we hate losing

  • more than we enjoy gaining.

  • Now, think about somebody who is in a 10-percent condition

  • and they put 40 shillings in.

  • They put 40 shillings, we give them four more,

  • they say thank you very much.

  • That person gave up six.

  • They could have gotten six more if they gave a hundred,

  • but they don't see it.

  • So we created what we call pre-match.

  • We put the 10 shillings in at the beginning of the week.

  • We said, "It's waiting for you!"

  • And then if somebody puts 40 in, we say, "Oh, you put 40 in,

  • we're leaving four, and we're taking six back."

  • So in both cases, pre-match or post-match,

  • people get 10 percent.

  • But in the pre-match,

  • they see the money they did not match leaving their account.

  • So we have text, text from kids, 10 percent, 20 percent,

  • pre-match, post-match.

  • And we had one more condition.

  • It was a coin about this size,

  • with 24 numbers written on it.

  • And we asked them to put the coin somewhere in their hut,

  • and every week, take a knife and scratch the number for that week --

  • week one, two, three, four --

  • scratch it like a minus if they didn't save

  • and scratch it up and down if they saved.

  • Now, think to yourself:

  • Which one of those methods do you think worked the best?

  • Text, text from the kids, 10 percent, 20 percent,

  • beginning of the week, end of the week, and the coin?

  • I'll tell you what the average people think.

  • We've done these studies of prediction,

  • both in the US and in Kenya.

  • People think that 20 percent will get a lot of action,

  • 10 percent less,

  • the rest of it will do nothing --

  • kids, coin, doesn't matter.

  • People think loss aversion will have a small effect.

  • What actually happened?

  • Sending a text reminder once a week

  • helps a lot.

  • Good news!

  • This program lasted six months. People forget. Reminding people is great.

  • Ten percent at the end of the week helped some more.

  • Financial incentives work.

  • Twenty percent at the end of the week -- just like 10 percent, no difference.

  • Ten percent in the beginning of the week

  • helps some more.

  • Loss aversion works.

  • Twenty percent in the beginning of the week,

  • just like 10 percent in the beginning of the week, no difference.

  • And the text message from the kids was just as effective

  • as 20 percent plus loss aversion --

  • which is amazing, right?

  • It's amazing how motivating messages from kids were.

  • And one conclusion is we don't use kids enough.

  • (Laughter)

  • And, of course, I don't mean in a child labor sense.

  • But if you think about parents and their kids,

  • we are the best that we can for our kids,

  • and we think about the future,

  • and I think we should think

  • about how to use that amazing source of motivation

  • to get parents to behave in a better way.

  • But the big surprise of this study was the coin.

  • The coin basically doubled savings compared to everything else.

  • And now the question is: Why? What was it about the coin?

  • So I'll tell you how I started thinking about the coin,

  • and then we'll come back to it.

  • So you know, when I do research on, let's say, buying coffee,

  • I don't need to go anywhere. I can sit in my office.

  • I've bought enough coffee. I know how it works.

  • The details, I'm familiar with.

  • When you do research in some of the poorest places in the world,

  • you have to go and visit and see what's going on

  • and get some insight about how the system works.

  • And on that particular day,

  • I'm in a place called Soweto in South Africa,

  • and I'm sitting in a place that sells funeral insurance.

  • You know, in the US people spend crazy amounts of money on weddings?

  • In South Africa, it's funerals.

  • People spend up to a year or two years of income on funerals.

  • And I sit in this place --

  • by the way, before you judge the South Africans as being irrational with this,

  • I just want to remind you

  • that spending a lot of money on funerals compared to weddings,

  • at least you know for sure you only have one.

  • (Laughter)

  • OK, so I sit in this place that sells funeral insurance.

  • And this guy comes in with his son -- his son is about 12 --

  • and he buys funeral insurance for a week.

  • It will cover 90 percent of his funeral expense

  • only if he dies in the next seven days.

  • Right? These are very poor people, they buy small amounts of insurance

  • and small amount of soap and such.

  • And he gets that certificate,

  • and in a very ceremonious way, he gives it to his son.

  • And as he gives it to his son, I think to myself, why the ceremony?

  • What is this father doing?

  • Now, think about the breadwinner that decides on that particular day

  • to direct some money into insurance or savings.

  • What is the family going to see tonight?

  • They're going to see less.

  • Right? At that level of poverty, there'll be less food, less kerosene, less water --

  • something less tonight.

  • And what his father was doing and what our coin was trying to do

  • is to say, yes, there's less food on the table,

  • but there's another activity.

  • You see, what happened is, there are many good, important economic activities,

  • like savings and insurance, that are invisible.

  • And now the question is: How do we make them visible?

  • So let's go back to our rocket model.

  • We have to, first of all, look at the system

  • and see where there's little things we can fix, with friction,

  • where is there that we can remove friction?

  • And then the next thing we want to do is to think broadly about the system,

  • and say: What other motivations can we bring in?

  • And that's a much more difficult exercise,

  • and we don't always know what would work best.

  • Is it going to be money? Is it going to be loss aversion?

  • Is it going to be something that is visible?

  • We don't know, and we have to try different things.

  • We also have to realize that our intuition sometimes misleads us.

  • We don't always necessarily know what would work the best.

  • So if we think about this gap

  • between where we could be and where we are,

  • it's a really sad thing to see this gap and to think about it.

  • But the good news is, there's lots we can do.

  • Some of the changes are easy, some of the changes are more complex.

  • But if we'll attack each problem directly,

  • not by just providing more information to people

  • but trying to change the friction,

  • add motivation,

  • I think we can ...

  • Can we close the gap? No.

  • But can we get much better? Absolutely, yes.

  • Thank you very much.

  • (Applause)

Translator: Joseph Geni Reviewer: Camille Martínez

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